ANALYSIS: Western Peace Plan vs. Lavrov’s Ultimatum — The Irreconcilable Rift
On June 7, 2026, at Downing Street, the leaders of Great Britain, France, and Germany sat down with Volodymyr Zelensky to formulate
- On June 7, 2026, at Downing Street, the leaders of Great Britain, France, and Germany sat down with Volodymyr Zelensky to formulate
- Introduction: Two Worldviews That Cannot Coexist
- The Clash of Diplomatic Logics
Facts, quotes, and cited links remain in the body. Interpretations are framed as analysis or opinion according to the format.
Introduction: Two Worldviews That Cannot Coexist
The Clash of Diplomatic Logics
On June 7, 2026, at Downing Street, the leaders of Great Britain, France, and Germany sat down with Volodymyr Zelensky to formulate something rare in diplomacy: a coherent, structured peace plan with clear conditions. Five conditions for a just and lasting peace. Immediate ceasefire. Front line as a starting point. Binding security guarantees. Frozen Russian assets held until reparations are made. European consent on any agreement affecting NATO or the EU. It was sharp, it was readable, it was serious.
Twelve days later, on June 19, 2026, Sergey Lavrov responded in an article titled "Ukraine, Europe, and Global Security", published on the official portal of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. His response boiled down to one word he chose himself: ultimatum. By labeling the Western plan as such, Lavrov didn't just reject proposals. He sent a structural signal: Moscow refuses any framework that does not start from its own maximalist demands. The rift is now documented, public, and irrefutable.
The Deceptive Symmetry of the Diplomatic Conflict
Some hasty observers like to present this disagreement as a symmetric deadlock — two camps equally rigid, equally intransigent. This is a fundamental analytical error. On one side, the West proposes an immediate ceasefire, the maintenance of current borders as a starting point, and security guarantees to protect Ukraine from future aggression. On the other, Russia demands the legal recognition of the occupation of the entire Donbas and Crimea, Ukraine’s renunciation of NATO, a reduction of its armed forces, and — according to the "Anchorage formula" that Lavrov continues to invoke — territorial concessions in areas that Russian forces do not even fully control.
These are not two equally defensible visions of a peaceful future. One seeks to stop the war. The other seeks to win it by other means. An honest comparison of these positions is the subject of this analysis.
The Five-Point Western Plan: An Architecture for Real Peace
What the London Document Actually Contains
The joint communiqué published on June 7, 2026, by British Prime Minister Keir Starmer, French President Emmanuel Macron, and German Chancellor Friedrich Merz — along with Zelensky — is not a vague document. It sets out five specific conditions. The first: an immediate and complete ceasefire, which the leaders called on Putin to accept without delay. The second: the current line of contact as the starting point for negotiations, with the reaffirmation that international borders cannot be changed by force and that Ukraine remains free to choose its security alliances. This point is fundamental. It does not concede occupied territories to Russia — it recognizes them as a subject of negotiation, not as definitive acquisitions.
The third condition — perhaps the most explosive from the Russian perspective — is the requirement for robust and legally binding security guarantees for Ukraine, building on commitments made in Berlin in December 2025 and Paris in January 2026, explicitly including the deployment of a multinational force on Ukrainian soil. The fourth condition stipulates that frozen Russian assets will remain immobilized as long as Moscow has not ceased its aggression and compensated Ukraine for the damages caused. The fifth protects European security interests: any agreement involving NATO or the EU requires the consent of those organizations. This plan is logical, defensible, and morally coherent.
Coordinated Support and Diplomatic Pressure
It didn't remain a dead letter. On June 11, 2026, the ambassadors of Great Britain, France, and Germany went to the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Moscow to hand-deliver the London summit’s conclusions to Russian Deputy Minister Mikhail Galuzin. They condemned Russia's recent military escalation and intensified disinformation campaigns. They supported Zelensky's call for direct negotiations with the active participation of the United States and Europe. The move was unusual, almost solemn. It signaled that the E3 channel — the European troika — was determined not to be bypassed by bilateral Trump-Putin diplomacy.
European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen stated that the EU had "no credible sign" that Russia wanted to engage in serious negotiations. Macron insisted at the EU summit in Brussels that Europeans must be at the table whenever talks occur, as the stakes directly concern the continent's security. Western coordination, for once, seems to be holding.
Lavrov’s June 19 Article: Anatomy of a Systematic Refusal
The Vocabulary of Rejection: Between Rhetoric and Strategic Intent
In his article "Ukraine, Europe, and Global Security" published on June 19, 2026, Sergey Lavrov used the term "ultimatum" multiple times to describe the Western plan. This lexical choice is not accidental. In diplomatic language, labeling a proposal an ultimatum means refusing a priori any discussion of its content. It closes the door before even entering the room. Lavrov wrote explicitly: "Trust cannot be restored, nor dialogue resumed, through ultimatums like the one presented to Russia in London on June 7." He added that the British, French, and German ambassadors who showed up at the ministry on June 11 had only one objective: "to reaffirm the London ultimatum."
The Russian minister argued that European countries were seeking a quick ceasefire not to establish peace, but to prevent the collapse of the Ukrainian armed forces on the front, to "freeze" the conflict without eliminating its root causes, and to introduce European military contingents into Ukraine. He claimed the real goal of European leaders was not to dialogue with Moscow, but to protect the Zelensky regime — as he called it — in order to maintain it as a "platform for continuous resistance" against Russia. This formulation is not political analysis. It is state propaganda dressed up as a diplomatic editorial.
Nuclear Threats as a Permanent Intimidation Tool
But Lavrov didn't stop there. In the same article, he warned that treating Ukraine as the "main strike force" of a future European military apparatus created grave risks. More specifically, he asserted that a direct conventional clash between NATO and Russia could escalate into a catastrophic nuclear exchange. This isn't the first time Russian officials have brandished this threat. It is a psychological deterrent tool aimed at paralyzing Western decision-making. This nuclear rhetoric — now a permanent fixture in Moscow’s discourse — was preceded by Lavrov’s warnings of coordinated massive strikes following Ukrainian attacks on the Moscow oil refinery.
What must be understood: Lavrov talks about negotiations while simultaneously maintaining a posture of total war. He invokes the 2025 Alaska Summit and discussions with American envoys Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner as the only legitimate framework — entirely excluding the Europeans. He reserves special diplomatic treatment for Trump not because Moscow believes in dialogue, but because dividing the West between Washington and European capitals is a proven strategy of Russian foreign policy.
Russian Maximalist Demands: Capitulation Disguised as Negotiation
The "Anchorage Formula" and What It Really Implies
At the heart of the Russian position is what diplomats call the "Anchorage formula" — a set of arrangements said to have been sketched out during a Russo-American summit in Alaska in the summer of 2025. The exact details of these discussions remain classified, but Russia has provided a public version that is enough to understand the scope of its demands. According to reports from RBC-Ukraine on June 19, 2026, Russian conditions include: the legal recognition of the Russian occupation of the entire Donbas and Crimea; the de facto recognition of current front lines in the Zaporizhzhia and Kherson regions — including areas that Russian forces do not fully control. These demands are presented as prerequisites to any negotiation. Not as starting positions. As conditions for entering the room.
Added to this are requirements that Lavrov reiterated in his June 19 article: the guarantee of security for Russia's western borders — which, translated unambiguously, means the permanent refusal of Ukrainian membership in NATO — and European protections for Russian-speaking citizens and the Orthodox faith in contested territories. The historical precedent for these demands — the Minsk agreements, the Budapest Memorandum — is devastating: Russia violated every single one of them.
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A Permanent Redefinition of International Rules
The underlying logic of Russian demands is consistent, even if it is unacceptable: Moscow wants the international community to validate the principle that war can create territorial facts on the ground. If Russia obtains legal recognition of the Ukrainian territories it has invaded, it establishes a precedent of unprecedented gravity for the international order. This is precisely why the Western plan insists on the principle that borders cannot be modified by force. This is not a negotiable clause. It is the foundation of the post-1945 international order, codified in the UN Charter.
Russia is effectively demanding Ukraine's capitulation and the symbolic dismantling of the rules-based international order. It does so while pretending to be the reasonable party, willing to negotiate, a victim of European ultimatums. This rhetorical inversion — the aggressor presenting itself as the victim of the peace process — is documented, repeated, and must be called out clearly.
Zelensky Facing the Deadlock: The Strategy of the Repeated Offer
An Open Letter, a G7, and Closed Doors
One must measure the scale of what Volodymyr Zelensky has attempted since the beginning of June 2026. On June 4, he published an open letter addressed to Putin — the first direct communication since 2022 — in which he proposed a bilateral meeting on neutral ground, Switzerland or Turkey, a full ceasefire for the duration of negotiations, and European participation in the process. Putin responded during the St. Petersburg Economic Forum: he had read the letter, judged that it showed a Ukrainian lack of interest in negotiations, and offered nothing in return. Lavrov was even more brutal: "It's nonsense."
On June 15, from Évian-les-Bains where the G7 summit was being held, Zelensky announced that he had proposed a meeting with Putin on the sidelines of the summit, with Trump and Macron as witnesses. He said he had transmitted the invitation through American and French channels and directly to Russian counterparts. Russia ignored it. Peskov denied that such an invitation had ever been received. Ushakov, the Kremlin’s presidential advisor, claimed that the possibility of a Trump-Putin meeting in the United States hadn't even been discussed during their June 14 phone call. The denials are systematic, mechanical, and reflexive.
The Ukrainian Paradox: Negotiating Without Russian Reciprocity
What is striking in the Ukrainian strategy is its consistency: Zelensky continues to propose. He proposes formats, venues, conditions, and intermediaries. He has mentioned Switzerland, Turkey, Arab countries, and the United States. He met with Roman Abramovich, a supposed Kremlin intermediary, in Kyiv. He told Sky News on June 7 that he was ready to freeze the front line and resume direct negotiations. He said he wanted a solution before the winter of 2026-2027. Ukraine's posture is that of a country exhausted by war but determined not to bend on principles. Meanwhile, according to the Institute for the Study of War (ISW), the Kremlin continues to systematically reject any negotiation proposal that doesn't begin with the acceptance of Russian maximalist demands.
A poll by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology reveals that more than 60% of Ukrainians would be willing to support a ceasefire along the current front line, but only if it is accompanied by credible security guarantees from allies. Without these guarantees, a majority firmly opposes it. Zelensky cannot sell his people a peace without protection. That isn't intransigence — it’s realism.
The E3-Trump Rift: A Fragmented West That Moscow Exploits
The Russian Bet on Atlantic Division
The Russian strategy since the start of the 2025 talks is readable: isolate the Europeans, flatter Washington, and use the transatlantic divide as leverage. Lavrov said it explicitly on June 15, 2026, from Minsk: Russia remains committed to the American proposals coming out of Alaska, but the Europeans "are trying to impose their mediation services" and are wrong to assume that Russia is losing the war. The underlying message is clear: Trump is an interlocutor Moscow can work with; the Europeans are not.
Moscow has historically preferred dealing with Washington bilaterally, bypassing European capitals. The fact that the E3 ambassadors had to force a meeting at Smolenskaya Square on June 11 — which Lavrov then described as a mere reaffirmation of the London ultimatum — illustrates the structural contempt of Russian diplomacy for European interlocutors. And this strategy has a cold logic: if the West speaks with one voice, it is stronger. If it is divided between Trump’s transatlantic proposals and the E3’s European conditions, Moscow can play one against the other.
Trump: Necessary Evil or Uncontrollable Variable
We need to name things directly. Donald Trump remains an essential figure in this diplomatic puzzle — not because he has a coherent vision for Ukraine, but because without American weight, no agreement holds. At the Évian G7, Trump stated that Russia "should make a deal" — a vague formulation, but one that at least signals nominal pressure on Moscow. His envoys Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner continue their shuttles to Russia. According to sources cited by RBC-Ukraine, Trump's experience with Iran — a negotiation that burned him — could make him more suspicious of Putin and more inclined to exert real pressure.
But the risk remains: that Trump privately accepts conditions close to the "Anchorage formula" to give himself a diplomatic spectacle before the 2026 midterm elections. This scenario terrifies the Europeans — and they are right to be afraid. A peace imposed without guarantees for Ukraine would be a 21st-century remake of the 1938 Munich Agreement. History would not forgive this mistake a second time.
Security Guarantees: The Gordian Knot of Any Exit from the Crisis
The Multinational Force: From Idea to Reality
The third condition of the London plan — the deployment of a Multinational Force in Ukraine — is the most provocative from the Russian viewpoint, and perhaps the most necessary from a strategic one. The idea, supported by the Coalition of the Willing led by France and Great Britain, is to deploy soldiers from allied nations on Ukrainian soil as a tripwire — a trigger that would make any new Russian aggression automatically synonymous with a direct clash with Western forces. It is the logic of deterrence applied to a post-conflict peace guarantee.
The commitments in Berlin in December 2025 and Paris in January 2026, mentioned in the London communiqué, have begun to materialize this framework. It is no longer an abstraction. Participating nations have discussed numbers, mandates, and rules of engagement. This concrete progress is precisely what Moscow is trying to torpedo by calling the London plan an ultimatum: if the Multinational Force deploys, the Ukrainian safety net becomes real, and the window of opportunity for a new Russian aggression closes significantly.
The Budapest Precedent: Why Words Are No Longer Enough
Ukraine has already experienced guarantees without teeth. In 1994, through the Budapest Memorandum, it gave up the Soviet nuclear arsenal it inherited — the third largest in the world at the time — in exchange for guarantees of sovereignty and territorial integrity from Russia, the United States, and the United Kingdom. We know what happened next. That is why Zelensky insists on legally binding guarantees, not just political ones. This is why the physical presence of allied forces is presented as a non-negotiable condition. A promise on paper is worth nothing if it isn't accompanied by a real military presence that makes the cost of a violation immediately prohibitive.
According to the ISW, the Kremlin’s systematic rejection of any negotiation proposal that doesn't start with the acceptance of its maximalist demands signals its refusal to end the war on terms that do not correspond to Ukraine’s complete capitulation. In this context, security guarantees are not a negotiation detail. They are the heart of the problem. Without them, any signed peace will be a truce before the next invasion.
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The "Anchorage Formula": What Moscow Wants Everyone to Forget
The Alaska Summit and American Strategic Ambiguity
For months, Lavrov has been invoking the "Alaska agreements" of the summer of 2025 as the only legitimate negotiation framework. He claims that Russia remains committed to these arrangements, that the Europeans are sabotaging them, and that if the West had honored its commitments, negotiations could have started long ago. The problem is simple: the details of these agreements are not public. Neither the American nor the Russian government has published an official and verifiable version. This leaves Moscow with absolute freedom of interpretation — it can define the "Alaska agreements" as including any condition favorable to its interests.
What we know from publicly stated Russian positions is already enough to evaluate their nature. Demands include the legal recognition of the occupation of the entire Donbas and Crimea. Aid from NATO member states to Ukraine interpreted as direct participation in the war. Permanent neutrality for Ukraine, without membership in NATO or the EU. Partial demilitarization of the Ukrainian armed forces. These demands do not correspond to a vision of peace — they correspond to a vision of Russian victory dressed up as a treaty.
American Instrumentalization as Diplomatic Leverage
Lavrov was explicit on June 15, 2026, during his visit to Minsk: Russia is committed to Trump's American proposals, not the European conditions. This statement serves a dual purpose. On one hand, it flatters Trump by telling him that his envoys are the only serious interlocutors. On the other, it undermines the authority of the E3 by presenting them as disruptors of a diplomacy that, without them, could progress. It's a classic divisive maneuver, and it has been effective: transatlantic relations over Ukraine are more strained than at any point since the start of Trump's second term. That Russia contributed to creating this tension is no coincidence.
The Mechanics of the "Freeze": Who Really Benefits
Why Moscow Prefers to Wait for Winter
A crucial aspect of this analysis concerns temporality. Lavrov accuses the West of wanting to "freeze" the conflict. But who, in reality, has an interest in a delay? According to diplomatic sources cited by RBC-Ukraine, a high-ranking Ukrainian official estimates that Russia will likely not take any significant steps before October. Moscow’s most likely strategy would be to prolong the fighting until next spring, launching a devastating winter campaign by then — missiles and drones targeting Ukrainian energy infrastructure — to force Kyiv into concessions under pressure from the civilian population.
This strategy was already used in 2022-2023. It aims to transform the suffering of Ukrainian civilians into diplomatic leverage. Ukraine entered current negotiations with this reality in mind: every week of delay is a week where Russia strengthens its positions on the front, stockpiles munitions, and prepares the next salvo of strikes against power plants. Time doesn't work the same way for everyone — and pretending that the Western rush toward a ceasefire is the only real urgency is to ignore the dynamics on the ground.
Russian Productive Capacity and Staying Power
Russia is recording exceptional profits on its oil and gas exports, estimated at 5 to 6 billion dollars per month according to data reported by RBC-Ukraine. These revenues directly fund the war effort. This is why the fourth condition of the Western plan — maintaining frozen Russian assets and refusing to lift sanctions until compensation is paid — is so decisive. Depriving Moscow of these resources will not end the war immediately, but it will reduce the staying power of a regime that bets on the enemy’s exhaustion rather than tactical victory on the ground.
Moscow’s Eroded Credibility: A History of Violations
From Budapest to Minsk: Russia and Its Promises
Understanding why the Western plan insists so much on binding guarantees and verification mechanisms requires looking at Russia’s historical track record with international agreements. The 1994 Budapest Memorandum was violated by the annexation of Crimea in 2014. The Minsk I and II agreements were used, as several actors now acknowledge, as a cover to allow Russia to rearm and prepare the 2022 offensive. UNITED24 Media reminds us that "Russia has systematically broken almost every security and ceasefire agreement it has signed." This isn't anti-Russian rhetoric — it's a documented fact.
In this context, labeling Western demands for binding guarantees as an "ultimatum" is pure manipulation. If Russia were serious about peace, it would understand that Ukrainian and Western distrust is based on real precedents. It would propose verification mechanisms, clear sequencing, and mutual guarantees. It doesn't. It continues to demand Ukrainian capitulation prior to any serious discussion.
Russian Parliamentarians and the Refusal of All Limits
Lavrov's position is not isolated within the Russian state apparatus — it is a faithful reflection of it. According to the ISW, the Chairman of the State Duma Defense Committee, Andrei Kartapolov, and a member of the same committee, Viktor Sobolev, both rejected the Ukrainian-European communiqué of June 7, asserting that the proposals are "unacceptable" for Russia and that Russia can only achieve its war goals by "reaching the western borders of Ukraine." This is not the wording of a side ready to negotiate. It is the language of a regime aiming for the total destruction of a sovereign state.
Europe’s Role in the Peace Architecture: Presence or Marginalization
The Brussels Summit and European Affirmation
Since the beginning of the Trump-led talks, Europe has risked being marginalized from a process that will nonetheless define its security for the coming decades. This was the risk that the EU summit in Brussels during the third week of June 2026 sought to counter. Macron was explicit: "We have always supported the idea that when talks take place, Europeans must be at the table, because it concerns Europe's interests." This seemingly simple statement represents a relative diplomatic victory for the pro-European camp, which feared being completely excluded.
The EU has also extended lines of communication toward Moscow — cautiously, without enthusiasm — to avoid being completely out of the loop during imminent negotiations. But von der Leyen maintained a firm line: without credible signs of a Russian willingness to negotiate seriously, there is no basis for substantive dialogue. This position resists pressure from some European governments tempted to reopen trade channels with Russia.
The Coalition of the Willing and the Future of European Security
The Coalition of the Willing, led by France and Great Britain, represents the most concrete effort to translate security guarantees into an operational commitment. Member countries have discussed the concrete modalities of a deployment in Ukraine — numbers, mandates, rules of engagement, funding — in several meetings since late 2025. The upcoming NATO summit in Ankara, mentioned in the London communiqué, will be a key moment: either the allies commit to concrete numbers for Ukraine's defense, or they back down under Russian and American pressure. This choice will say everything about the Alliance's cohesion.
The Évian G7: A Missed or Deferred Opportunity
Trump and Zelensky Face to Face: The June 16 Meeting
The G7 summit in Évian-les-Bains, from June 15 to 17, 2026, could have been a diplomatic turning point. Zelensky proposed a meeting with Putin on the sidelines of the summit — with Trump and Macron present as guarantors. He said he had transmitted the invitation through American and French channels and directly to Russian counterparts. The Russian response: silence, then contradictory denials. Peskov claimed not to have received an invitation. Ushakov denied the possibility was discussed during the Trump-Putin call on June 14. These denials were contradicted by Ukrainian and French sources. Russian lying on diplomatic channels has become so routine it no longer surprises — but it should.
The Trump-Zelensky meeting on June 16 produced a statement from Trump that Russia "should make a deal." That’s not much. But according to sources cited by the ISW, Trump also discussed with Zelensky the possibility of organizing talks in the United States, in a format designed to be "harder for Putin to refuse." If that materializes before winter, it would be real progress. For now, it’s just one more path in a diplomatic labyrinth to which Moscow holds the only key.
The G7 Without a Communiqué: The Sign of a Rift
Xinhua reported on June 18, 2026, that the Évian G7 ended without a joint communiqué — a fact that is in itself revealing of internal tensions among members regarding the Ukrainian issue. Even within the club of advanced democracies, finding common language on the war in Ukraine has become difficult. This isn't a diplomatic collapse, but it is a signal that Western solidarity isn't a given and must be actively maintained against forces — both external and internal — that seek to unravel it.
The Irreconcilable Rift: Why It Isn't a Question of Poor Communication
Two Incompatible World Orders
This analysis has shown something that diplomatic language tends to mask: the rift between the Western plan and Russian demands is not due to a lack of communication, cultural misunderstandings, or clumsy diplomacy. It is structural. The West, represented by the E3 and its allies, defends an international order based on law — state sovereignty, territorial integrity, and peaceful settlement of disputes. Russia defends an order based on spheres of influence — where great powers have the right to define the rules of the game for their neighbors, by force if necessary.
These two visions are ontologically incompatible. There is no compromise between them, any more than there is a compromise between the rule of law and the law of the strongest. This is why attempts to find a formulation that satisfies both Ukrainian sovereignty and Russian security demands systematically fail: what Moscow calls "security" is domination. What the West calls "guarantees" is the limitation of that domination. There is no middle ground.
What the Word "Ultimatum" Reveals
Lavrov's choice to call a plan that simply asks to stop bombing civilians and sit at the table an "ultimatum" is perhaps the most precise indicator of the Russian position. In Moscow's logic, any external request — no matter how reasonable — is a violation of Russian sovereignty. Russia alone can define the conditions of its own conduct. This absolutist posture makes diplomacy impossible, not because the West is too demanding, but because Russia refuses on principle any external framework for its actions. The word "ultimatum" doesn't describe the London plan. It describes the political psychology of the Kremlin.
Conclusion: The Peace No One Can Impose Except Moscow
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The Responsibility of Clarity
The honest comparison of positions — five clear Western conditions against non-negotiable Russian maximalist demands — leads to an inescapable conclusion: the only party blocking peace is Russia. Not Ukraine, which has multiplied offers of dialogue. Not the West, which has formulated a precise, balanced, and legally grounded plan. Russia, which labels these proposals as an ultimatum, which refuses to discuss any framework that doesn't start with the adversary's capitulation, and which is preparing a winter campaign in the meantime to maximize Ukrainian civilian suffering.
This reality must be named unequivocally in chancelleries, media, and analytical circles. The artificial equivalence of "both sides are intransigent" is not nuance — it is passive disinformation. The West has a responsibility: to maintain its cohesion, to support Ukraine with real security guarantees, and to never accept a peace whose terms would make the next war more likely.
What History Will Remember
We are living through a turning point. The positions are documented. The diplomatic archives of June 2026 will show without ambiguity who proposed and who refused. They will show that Zelensky wrote to Putin, that the E3 traveled to Moscow, that the G7 tried to open a window, and that Russia closed every door. History will also judge the West on its ability to hold firm. On its ability to translate its declarations into acts regarding security guarantees, the freezing of Russian assets, and support for the Multinational Force. The words of June 2026 are only worth as much as the decisions that follow them.
Signed Maxime Marquette, columnist
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Cite this article
Maxime Marquette (2026). ANALYSIS: Western Peace Plan vs. Lavrov’s Ultimatum — The Irreconcilable Rift. MadMax. https://mad-max.co/en/article/analyse-plan-de-paix-occidental-contre-ultimatum-de-lavrov-la-fracture-irreconci-2
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