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The ColumnOp-Ed· No. 261

OPEN LETTER: Do Not Let Peace Become Ukraine's Capitulation

Ladies and gentlemen, leaders of the free world, I am writing to you from this precise moment where history begins to stutter

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Key takeaways
  1. Ladies and gentlemen, leaders of the free world, I am writing to you from this precise moment where history begins to stutter
  2. Introduction: The Hour of Decisive Choices Has Struck for the West
  3. A Week That Will Remain in Our Memories
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Facts, quotes, and cited links remain in the body. Interpretations are framed as analysis or opinion according to the format.

Introduction: The Hour of Decisive Choices Has Struck for the West

A Week That Will Remain in Our Memories

Ladies and gentlemen, leaders of the free world, I am writing to you from this precise moment where history begins to stutter — or to speak clearly, depending on what you decide. The week of June 15 to 22, 2026, will remain engraved as one of the most revealing of this war, not because the front lines moved in a spectacular way, but because the mask fell on what a "peace" as Moscow conceives it would truly mean. At the G7 summit in Évian-les-Bains, France, you were there, gathered around the same table, facing a man who embodies the resistance of an entire people: Volodymyr Zelensky. You had the opportunity to show the world that the West is not just a community of values, but a community of convictions capable of holding firm under pressure.

Pressure, precisely, is the keyword of this letter. Because what I observed through the events of this pivotal week filled me with as much hope as concern. Hope, because commitments were made, sanctions reinforced, and strong words spoken. Concern, because I see in certain discourses the specter of fatigue, a desire to "turn the page" at any cost — a price that would, in reality, be paid in full by Ukraine and, ultimately, by yourselves. This letter is not an indictment. It is a call for lucidity.

What Moscow Has Revealed About Its Real Intentions

On June 19, 2026, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov formally rejected the European peace plan developed at the London summit on June 7, calling the Western demands an "unacceptable ultimatum". This plan, co-signed by the leaders of the United Kingdom, France, Germany, and Ukraine, called for an immediate and verifiable ceasefire, robust security guarantees for Kyiv — including the potential deployment of multinational forces on Ukrainian soil — and the maintenance of the freeze on Russian assets until Moscow compensates for the damage caused to Ukraine. Lavrov retorted that this proposal aimed to "temporarily freeze the war without addressing the fundamental geopolitical causes". Translation: Russia refuses any peace that does not validate its conquests.

Worse still: while Zelensky proposed a direct meeting with Putin on the sidelines of the G7 — an offer transmitted through American and French channels — the Kremlin denied even receiving this invitation. Dmitry Peskov claimed that no invitation had been made. This cynical denial, documented by the Institute for the Study of War (ISW), reveals a constant strategy: refuse peace while making the West believe it is Ukraine that is blocking it. Do not let yourselves be manipulated by this narrative.

The London Summit of June 7: A Compass for a Just Peace

Five Conditions for a Peace Worthy of the Name

Allow me to recall what was accomplished in London on June 7, 2026 — because it deserves to be defended with vigor, not buried under the weight of diplomatic impatience. The leaders of the United Kingdom, France, and Germany and Ukraine defined five essential conditions for a just and lasting peace. These conditions are not ideological whims: they constitute the minimal bedrock of any settlement that would preserve European security for decades to come. An immediate and verifiable ceasefire. Robust security guarantees for Ukraine. The inviolability of internationally recognized borders. Financial accountability for Russia for the destruction caused. And a commitment to good-faith negotiations.

This framework is not perfect — no diplomatic framework is. But it is founded on a cardinal principle that you cannot abandon without betraying your own history: aggression does not pay. If you yield on these five points, if you allow Moscow to redefine the terms of the discussion, you send a devastating message to every authoritarian regime watching this war from Beijing, Tehran, or Pyongyang. You tell them that might makes right. That the patience of aggressors will be rewarded if it is long enough.

Why Lavrov Called This Plan an Ultimatum

Lavrov's response to the London plan is in itself a document of fearsome clarity. By calling it an ultimatum, he revealed that the Kremlin considers unacceptable any arrangement that does not consecrate its territorial gains. He also waved the nuclear specter, claiming that a direct conventional confrontation between NATO and Russia "could degenerate into a catastrophic exchange of nuclear strikes". This atomic blackmail is a proven tactic, and you have already yielded to it much more often than you should admit. Every time you have withheld a delivery of weapons, slowed a decision, or softened a sanction out of fear of "escalation", you have reinforced the effectiveness of this bluff.

The ambassadors of Great Britain, France, and Germany were summoned to the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs on June 18 — and Lavrov claimed that their only objective was to confirm this "London ultimatum". What does this say about the Russian diplomatic game? That Moscow prefers dramaturgy to substance. That every meeting is a stage, not a negotiation table. Western leaders must understand this reality and stop playing by the rules of an adversary who openly despises them.

Zelensky in Évian: A Man Alone Facing History

The Man Who Reaches Out, Again and Again

We must talk about Volodymyr Zelensky — not the media figure, but the politician who, since the beginning of this war, has multiplied gestures of good faith toward an adversary that systematically refuses them. On June 4, 2026, he sent an open letter to Putin proposing a direct bilateral meeting. On June 15, he offered a meeting on the sidelines of the G7 in Évian, in a framework including Trump and Macron — hard to imagine more favorable for Moscow. On June 19, he declared again his hope that negotiations would resume, leaving to Russia the choice of format. What answer did he get? Silence, denial, the rhetoric of military victory.

Yet, Zelensky has never stopped reaching out. In Évian, he declared: "Europe and the United States have reached an agreement, and Russia has once again demonstrated that it is not ready to talk." These words are of a disarming simplicity. They are not propaganda — they simply describe what happened, hour by hour, document by document. This man, who has led a country at war for more than four years, who has seen entire cities razed and thousands of his compatriots killed, has never closed the door to diplomacy. Can you say the same of Putin? You know the answer.

The Move Toward an American Format Before Winter

One of Zelensky’s most significant proposals in Évian was to organize negotiations in the United States before the winter of 2026-2027 — in a format "harder for Putin to refuse," according to his own terms discussed with Trump during their meeting on June 14. This idea is not trivial. It shows that Ukraine is ready to go as far as proposing the adversary's ground if it can unblock the situation. Above all, it shows that Kyiv is not hiding behind impossible conditions to avoid negotiations. The opposite is true.

Trump himself stated in Évian that Russia "should strike a deal" with Ukraine to end the war. This statement, though late and insufficient compared to what the situation requires, constitutes a signal that Washington is not totally deaf to the urgency. But a statement is not enough. Donald Trump is a necessary evil for the West in this equation — his balance of power with Putin can be useful, provided it is oriented in the right direction, and not toward a deal that would sacrifice Ukraine on the altar of short-term American interests. That is where your collective vigilance is indispensable.

The G7 in Évian: Real but Insufficient Commitments

What Was Promised and What Is Still Missing

The G7 summit in Évian-les-Bains produced concrete results, and it would be unfair to omit that. In their joint statement on June 17, G7 leaders promised to reinforce military support for Ukraine, notably in air defense and interceptor missiles. They also announced their readiness to examine the possibility of granting licenses for the production of interceptor missiles directly in Ukraine — a significant step forward. Furthermore, the United Kingdom concluded a $282 million deal to deliver enriched uranium to Ukrainian nuclear reactors, strengthening the country's energy resilience against repeated Russian strikes on infrastructure.

But let's be honest: between what was "agreed to be examined" and what will actually be delivered in the coming weeks, there is often a chasm. Zelensky himself warned against this ambiguity, stating that American production "is not as large as our needs" and calling on European states to develop their own less costly anti-ballistic systems. This lucidity from the Ukrainian president should be your compass: if he says it isn't enough, it's because it isn't enough.

The Photos of the Burning Lavra and Trump’s Reversal

One of the most striking moments of the Évian week was reported by Politico: photographs of the Dormition Cathedral in flames, which Zelensky showed to Trump during their meeting on June 16, reportedly played a decisive role in Washington’s shift toward firmer support. According to this account, it was the power of the images — Ukrainian religious and cultural heritage reduced to ashes by Russian missiles — that finally convinced an American president reputed to be insensitive to conventional arguments. This anecdote, if accurate, says a lot about the fragility of Western convictions in this war. It should not take photos of cathedrals in ruins for you to maintain your support for a country that defends the values you claim to embody.

Canada imposed new measures against 162 Russian individuals, entities, and vessels on June 16, shortly after Prime Minister Carney met with Zelensky on the summit sidelines and condemned the strike on the Lavra. Great Britain coupled its uranium deal with new sanctions on the Russian oil trade, pushing the designations of its ghost fleet toward 600 vessels. These are steps in the right direction. But the steps must accelerate.

The European Union Facing Its Own Diplomatic Mirror

The European Council Summit of June 18-19

While the G7 was meeting in Évian, the 27 leaders of the Union européenne held their own summit in Brussels on June 18 and 19. The draft conclusions seen by the Kyiv Independent called for the EU to engage further in diplomatic efforts to end the war — and asked Russia to "show a real will for peace, accept a total, unconditional and immediate ceasefire, and engage in meaningful negotiations toward a just and lasting peace". These are the right words. But words do not make peace.

EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas clarified that the first step for any EU discussion with Russia would be to agree on the bloc's requirements for Moscow and the conditions of engagement — a process she has been leading since February 2026. This foundational work is necessary. But as the clock ticks and Ukrainians die every day, this institutional caution can look like procrastination. The Europe has need to speak with one voice, and fast. The question is no longer who will represent the EU in future negotiations — it is ensuring that these negotiations do not lead to a capitulation disguised as a compromise.

Ukraine’s Accession to the EU as a Security Guarantee

At that same European summit, Zelensky forcefully defended the idea that the best security guarantee for the future of Europe is the accelerated accession of Ukraine to the European Union. He stated that the future of Europe is being played out in the Ukrainian defense, and that Kyiv's rapid accession to the EU is the most effective protection for the continent. This vision is just and strategically consistent. A Ukraine in the EU is a Ukraine anchored in European law, institutions, and values — a Ukraine that can no longer be invaded without it being an attack on all of Europe.

Yet, the summit did not lead to the opening of all the accession negotiation chapters that Kyiv was hoping for. The wording of the final communiqué — "merit-based approach" — is an ambiguous signal that could be used to delay the process indefinitely. Zelensky raised the issue directly at the summit, supported by several heads of state, but unanimity was not there. Voices were missing. Perhaps yours. That is not acceptable.

Russian Nuclear Rhetoric: A Bluff You Must Stop Respecting

Atomic Blackmail as a Tool for Western Paralysis

Let’s go back to Lavrov's comments on June 19, because they deserve a direct response. The Russian Foreign Minister asserted that a direct conventional confrontation between NATO and Russia "could degenerate into a catastrophic exchange of nuclear strikes". This statement is not a strategic analysis — it is a tool of psychological coercion, used methodically since the start of the full-scale invasion in 2022. And it has worked. Every time you have hesitated to deliver a weapons system, slowed a decision on tanks, planes, or long-range missiles, you have partly acted under the influence of this rhetoric.

The analysts at the ISW said it clearly in their report on June 20: Lavrov rejected the peace conditions proposed by Ukraine and its European partners on June 7, "demonstrating the Kremlin's ongoing lack of interest in any peace proposal that does not accept Russia's demands for Ukraine's capitulation". This lack of interest is the fundamental data point. Not nuclear escalation — which Russia cannot afford — but the will to pursue a war of attrition until you defect. It is your failure they are waiting for, not your attack.

How to Disarm the Bluff Without Provoking Real Escalation

The answer to nuclear rhetoric is not direct military escalation — I am not advocating for that. The answer is the coherence and predictability of your support for Ukraine. Support that does not waver in the face of verbal threats. Support that includes the weapons necessary for Ukrainian defense, the sanctions that actually hurt the Russian war economy, and the security guarantees that make any future Russian aggression impossible to contemplate. Euromaidanpress highlighted this in an article on June 15: "More than a decade of negotiations — from Minsk to Istanbul to current talks — has not ended the war. It has given Moscow time to entrench, rearm, and learn that the Western fear of escalation outweighs the Western commitment to a result."

There is only one antidote to this infernal cycle: make your commitments independent of moods and threats. Institutionalize your support for Ukraine so that no speech from Lavrov, no tweet from Putin, no economic pressure can erode it. If Moscow understands that time is no longer on its side, the conditions for a real peace — not a capitulation — will finally become possible.

Trump: The Necessary Evil You Must Maneuver, Not Suffer

What Trumpian Unpredictability Means for Ukraine

Let's talk about Donald Trump with the frankness the situation demands. I consider him, for the immediate future of the West, a necessary evil — not out of admiration, but out of lucidity. His balance of power with Putin, his ability to exert economic and geopolitical pressure on Moscow, and his rhetoric of strength are tools that can serve Ukraine if you, European leaders, know how to orient them. What you cannot do is let him improvise a deal with Moscow that would sacrifice Ukrainian interests to satisfy his ego as a negotiator.

The fact that he stated in Évian that Russia "should strike a deal" with Ukraine is encouraging in principle. But Trump has also, in the past, suggested that Ukraine might have to give up ground to get peace. This position is unacceptable — and you must tell him to his face, collectively, with the same unity you showed in Évian on sanctions. A peace that validates Russian conquests is not peace — it is the reward for aggression. Trump needs to hear this message from you, not read it between the lines in your diplomatic communiqués.

The Trump-Zelensky Meeting as a Moment of Truth

The meeting between Trump and Zelensky on the sidelines of the G7 on June 16 — the first in nearly four months — was described as the first sincere face-to-face in a long time between the two men. Zelensky showed photos of the Dormition Cathedral in flames. Trump was reportedly moved. This emotional dynamic may have produced short-term results, but a strategy for supporting Ukraine cannot rest on the emotions of one man during a single meeting. You need mechanisms institutionnels, binding commitments, roadmaps with dates and milestones.

Zelensky also said that "june and july of this year could determine many things". He is right. These weeks are decisive. Not because the war will end overnight, but because the direction you choose now — toward a just peace or toward a shameful compromise — will shape European security for an entire generation. Trump can be a lever. But it is you who must hold the lever, not be moved by it.

What a Peace of Capitulation Would Concretely Look Like

The Scenario Moscow Is Preparing

I want you to imagine, concretely, what a "peace" on current Russian terms would look like. Russia maintains its 2024 requirements: the recognition of its sovereignty over the four Ukrainian oblasts it annexed — Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia, and Kherson — as well as Crimea. It demands permanent neutrality for Ukraine, meaning the prohibition of any rapprochement with NATO or the EU. It demands the lifting of all Western sanctions. And it refuses to be held accountable for the war crimes committed on Ukrainian territory. According to Euromaidanpress, the Kremlin repeated its demands in a recent communication, stating that demanding the four oblasts is "a demand for capitulation, not peace".

If you accept these terms — or even if you partially accept them in a gesture of "pragmatisme" — here is what happens. Russia consolidates, rearms, and starts again in five or ten years. The Baltic states, Poland, Finland — everyone who shares a border with Russia or Belarus — lives with a permanent sword of Damocles over their heads. Authoritarian states worldwide learn the lesson: invade fast, hold on, wait for the West to get tired. This is the precedent you are creating. And it is a catastrophic one.

The Countries Watching and Learning

Chine is watching. It is taking notes. Every Western compromise on Ukraine is a lesson in what it could afford regarding Taïwan. Iran is watching. Corée du Nord is watching — and actively delivering shells to Russia, directly reinforcing Putin's war machine. The authoritarian world works as a network. Your weakness in one theater encourages aggression in all the others. Ukraine is not an isolated regional conflict — it is the test of the credibility of the rules-based international order that your predecessors spent decades building.

If you think holding firm on Ukraine is costly, imagine the cost of a world where China has concluded you will not defend Taiwan, where Iran has concluded you will not defend your allies in the Middle East, where every emerging democracy has concluded that s'allier à l'Occident n'offre aucune garantie réelle. That world would be infinitely more dangerous and infinitely more expensive to manage than maintaining your unwavering support for Ukraine today.

Security Guarantees for Ukraine: From Promise to Reality

What Ukraine Asks and What It Deserves

The peace plan from the London summit on June 7 explicitly included the potential deployment of forces multinationales on Ukrainian territory as a robust security guarantee. This idea, which would have seemed unimaginable two years ago, has become a necessity discussed seriously by European capitals. It corresponds to what Ukraine has been calling for since the beginning: a security guarantee that is not just a formula on paper, but a physical presence that would make any new Russian aggression politically and militarily unsustainable.

Zelensky was explicit: Ukraine needs solid security guarantees after the war, and that is precisely why European participation in negotiations is so important for Kyiv. Without guarantees, any ceasefire is just a pause. A pause during which Russia reorganizes, rearms, and waits for the next window of opportunity. The Minsk agreements were that pause — and we saw where that led. The same mistake cannot be repeated.

The Security Model That Could Work

I do not claim to design the ideal security architecture for post-war Ukraine. But the elements discussed in London and Brussels this week trace a consistent direction: a multinational peacekeeping presence, the acceleration of Ukrainian accession to the EU as an institutional anchor, the maintenance of sanctions on Russian assets until full compensation for damages, and bilateral defense agreements between Ukraine and its most committed partners — United Kingdom, France, Germany, Canada, Baltic countries. These elements are complementary, not alternatives. It's not about choosing one or the other — it's about implementing them all together, with a precise timetable and binding obligations.

NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte met with Zelensky in Kyiv in early June, during a meeting where the Ukrainian president stated that Russia would benefit from Ukraine's membership in NATO — seeing it as long-term stability rather than a threat. This bold vision deserves to be taken seriously. Lasting security is not the absence of weapons — it is the presence of institutions.

Ukraine at the UN: International Legitimacy at Stake

The Request for a Security Council Session

On June 15, Ukraine requested an open meeting of the Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU — supported by the European members of the Council: Denmark, France, Greece, Latvia, and the United Kingdom. This session was to be held on June 22. It is not a symbolic move: it is Ukraine's attempt to maintain international pressure on Russia in a global forum, to prevent the war from being relativized or normalized in diplomatic discourse. It is also a signal that Kyiv does not give up on international legitimacy as a strategic tool.

Russia, a permanent member of the Security Council, has the right of veto — which means no binding resolution can be adopted against it in this framework. But open sessions serve another purpose: to maintain the visibility of the conflict, document the positions of each state, and prevent Moscow from rewriting the history of this war in real time. Your presence, your voice, your refusal to normalize Russian aggression in these forums is a diplomatic weapon that you must use relentlessly. Ne laissez pas le veto russe vous décourager de parler.

The Battle of Narratives in the International Arena

There is a parallel war you cannot afford to lose: the guerre des récits. Russia is investing heavily in disinformation, in manipulating public opinion in Global South countries, in building an alternative discourse where it is NATO that is the aggressor and Russia the victim. This discourse unfortunately finds receptive ears in some parts of the world where the memory of Western colonial policies creates a legitimate distrust of your institutions.

You will not win this battle by ignoring these sensitivities — you will win it by maintaining absolute consistency between your proclaimed values and your actions. Every time you compromise on Ukraine for economic interest, every time you delay a sanction to spare a commercial partner, every time you prefer the comfort of the status quo to the firmness of principles, you provide grist for the mill of Russian narratives. Credibility is your most precious weapon. Do not sell it off.

Economic Sanctions: The Underused Weapon of This War

What Has Been Done and What Remains to Be Accomplished

Sanctions against Russia have produced real effects, but they are insufficient given the scale of the Russian war effort. G7 leaders agreed in Évian to increase economic pressure on Moscow. The Union européenne decided, during the Brussels summit of June 18-19, to extend its economic sanctions against Russia for a period of one year — moving from a semi-annual to an annual rhythm, which reduces the opportunities for individual vetoes within the bloc. This is important institutional progress that deserves to be recognized.

But sanctions have not yet touched sectors vital for financing the Russian war with the necessary severity. The flotte fantôme continues to transport oil while bypassing Western embargos. Dual-use technology exports still pass through third countries. Russian oligarchs have had plenty of time to shelter their assets. The question is not whether sanctions work — they do — but whether you are ready to apply them with the rigor and creativity necessary to make them truly paralyzing.

Frozen Russian Assets as a Reconstruction Lever

One of the most important decisions you can take in the coming weeks concerns avoirs russes gelés — approximately 300 billion euros immobilized in Western banks and clearing systems. The June 7 peace plan was explicit: these assets will not be released until Russia has compensated for the damage caused to Ukraine. Zelensky also called on European countries to accelerate the confiscation of these assets and increase financial aid to Kyiv during his meeting with European leaders on June 19.

Using these assets to finance Ukrainian reconstruction is not only just — it is strategically indispensable. A Ukraine that reconstructs quickly is a Ukraine that demonstrates to the whole world that aggression did not pay. It is a Ukraine that can join the EU with a viable economy rather than in a state of total decay. And it is a clear signal to Russia that its actions have lasting, irreversible consequences. Ne laissez pas ces avoirs redevenir un outil de négociation que vous offrez à Moscou en échange de concessions.

Ukrainian Foreign Minister Sybiha: A Positive Signal in the G7

A Precious G7 Unanimity, Not to Be Squandered

Ukrainian Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha noted, after the June 17 G7 summit, a « changement positif de ton et d'évaluation » in the final declaration of the leaders — a closer convergence between Ukrainian positions and those of its G7 allies. He hailed the unity of the world’s most powerful democracies and stressed that this unity is « un signal important de soutien que l'Ukraine apprécie hautement ». He was also direct about the next step: « Alors que la Russie ne montre aucune volonté de s'engager dans une diplomatie de bonne foi, les leviers disponibles doivent être utilisés pour la forcer enfin à s'asseoir à la table des négociations. »

This statement from Sybiha is both a thank you and a call to order. It says: we see your efforts, we appreciate them, but it is not yet enough. Ukrainian good faith must not be an invitation to reduce pressure. On the contrary, every gesture of good faith from Kyiv must be accompanied by an intensification of your pressure on Moscow — to rebalance a power dynamic that still tips too far in favor of the aggressor.

Ukrainian Diplomacy vs. the Russian War Machine

What is remarkable in Ukrainian diplomacy of the last few weeks is its double dimension: ouvert vers la négociation with Russia, but ferme sur les principes. Zelensky proposes meetings, offers flexible formats, suggests neutral venues — but does not yield on territorial integrity, on security guarantees, or on Russian responsibility for crimes committed. This combination of tactical flexibility and strategic firmness is exactly what effective diplomacy requires. And it is you, Western leaders, who must support it — not soften it under the pretext of facilitating negotiations.

When Zelensky says that Ukraine will decide for itself who will represent Europe in future negotiations — as he declared on June 21 — he is not expressing arrogance. He is expressing the position of a sovereign country that refuses to see its future decided without its knowledge. Respect this sovereignty. It is precisely to defend this principle that you have claimed to support Ukraine since day one.

What You Must Do, Concretely, in the Coming Weeks

Five Non-Negotiable Commitments for Summer 2026

This letter is not a rhetorical exercise. I am asking you for precise, measurable, verifiable acts. Premier : Maintain the five conditions of the June 7 London peace plan as an absolute red line for any negotiation. Do not let diplomatic pressure or electoral fatigue lead you to dilute them. Deuxième : Accelerate the arms deliveries promised in Évian — notably air defense systems and interceptor missiles — with concrete deadlines and public follow-up. Troisième : Convert frozen Russian assets into funding for Ukrainian reconstruction, starting now, without waiting for the end of the war. Quatrième : Immediately open all of Ukraine's EU accession negotiation chapters, without waiting for the end of the conflict. Cinquième : Establish a binding mechanism of security guarantees for Ukraine — not promises, treaties.

These five commitments are not idealistic requests disconnected from reality. They are the logical consequence of the positions you have already stated publicly in London, Évian, and Brussels. It is not about asking you to change course — it is about asking you to hold the course you yourselves have traced, with the cohérence and détermination that the situation demands.

What History Will Remember of This Moment

In a few years, historians will write about this period as one of the most demanding tests of liberal democracy since World War II. They will note what you did — and what you did not do. They will measure the gap between your speeches in Évian and Brussels and the realities on the ground in Ukraine. They will tell the story of how the Ukrainian, Latvian, Estonian, Polish, and Finnish people looked the West in the eye during these crucial weeks of June 2026 and wanted to believe you would hold firm.

Zelensky said in Évian that « juin et juillet pourraient déterminer beaucoup de choses ». He is right in a way that even goes beyond the immediate military and diplomatic situation. These months will define what it means to be Western in the 21st century. If you hold firm, you will have demonstrated that the values of freedom, law, and sovereignty are not peacetime rhetoric — they are convictions for times of crisis. If you yield, you will have admitted that the West is ready to buy tranquility at any price. Ce prix, l'Ukraine le paierait de son sang. Et vous le paieriez de votre âme collective.

Conclusion: Just Peace or Disguised Capitulation — There Is No Third Way

The Binary Choice You Can No Longer Avoid

Ladies and Gentlemen, leaders, you have spent weeks looking for an intermediate space, a formula that allows you to speak of paix without disavowing Ukraine, to negotiate without rewarding aggression, to spare Moscow without abandoning Kyiv. That space does not exist. The week of June 15 to 22, 2026, demonstrated this to you with brutal clarity: Lavrov called your peace conditions an ultimatum. The Kremlin denied receiving Zelensky's invitation to negotiate. Russia continued to strike Ukrainian civilian infrastructure while you talked about a ceasefire. The troisième voie est une illusion that Moscow carefully maintains to keep you in the dark and in inaction.

There is a just peace — one that respects Ukraine's territorial integrity, guarantees its future security, holds Russia accountable, and deters any future aggression. And there is disguised capitulation — one that freezes the conflict on current lines, validates Russian conquests, offers Putin a window to consolidate and start over. Between these two options, your choice defines the future of Europe. Choisissez la paix juste. Pas la paix commode.

A Final Word to Zelensky, and a Call to the West

I want to address a word to Volodymyr Zelensky, even though this letter is not for him. He has done his part — and far beyond. He offered negotiation to an adversary who does not want it. He showed photos of burning cathedrals to touch the heart of an American president who is hard to convince. He maintained the national unity of a country at war for more than four years. He knew how, during the European Council summit in Brussels, to eloquently defend his country's place in Europe. This man deserves better than « promesses importantes » — he deserves certainties.

And you, leaders of the West, you still have the power to offer him those certainties. Not out of magnanimity, but out of strategic intelligence. Because the security of your own nations depends on the security of Ukraine. Because the international order your predecessors built on the ruins of World War II is worth defending. Because some lines, once crossed, are never drawn again. Ne laissez pas cette ligne-là être franchie.

Signed Maxime Marquette, columnist

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Cite this article

Maxime Marquette (2026). OPEN LETTER: Do Not Let Peace Become Ukraine's Capitulation. MadMax. https://mad-max.co/en/article/lettre-ouverte-ne-laissez-pas-la-paix-devenir-une-capitulation-de-l-ukraine-2

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Maxime Marquette
Independent columnist

Maxime Marquette writes most of the analyses and columns published on MadMax — geopolitics, technology, and current events, no filler.

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