ESSAY: Kim Jong Un and the bomb at sea — what North Korea's nuclear navy changes for Asia

The commissioning of the Choe Hyon and its strategic significance

On June 23, 2026, at the port of Nampo on the west coast of North Korea, Kim Jong Un personally presided over the official commissioning ceremony of the Choe Hyon into the Korean People's Army Navy. This 5,000-ton destroyer — the largest warship ever built by Pyongyang — is equipped, according to Kim's declarations, with nuclear-capable ballistic and cruise missiles, anti-aircraft, anti-ship, and anti-submarine systems. It is a multi-mission platform representing a qualitative break from the traditional North Korean fleet, composed until now of coastal patrol boats, conventional submarines, and small surface vessels.

Kim declared at the ceremony that "the naval nuclear armament program is proceeding as planned without deviation" and that "the navy is entering fully operational service." He simultaneously announced the upcoming commissioning of a second destroyer of the same class, the Kang Kon, and the objective of building two surface vessels exceeding the Choe Hyon every year, including 10,000-ton cruisers. It is a declaration of an ambitious five-year naval program.

From coastal confinement to blue-water power projection

The symbolic and strategic significance of this commissioning goes beyond the immediate military value of the Choe Hyon. Kim said it explicitly: "The time when the North Korean navy was content to defend its coastal waters belongs definitively to the past." It is a declaration of blue-water power projection ambition — in the Yellow Sea, in the Sea of Japan (East Sea to Koreans), potentially in the North Pacific. For Tokyo, Seoul, and American commanders based in the region, this declaration is not rhetorical. It is a redefinition of the North Korean threat zone.

For decades, North Korea was primarily a land and ballistic threat — missiles that fly high, launched from the continent, that can be (imperfectly) detected, tracked, and potentially intercepted. A nuclear destroyer at sea is a threat of a fundamentally different nature: mobile, difficult to permanently locate, capable of launching low-flying cruise missiles that bypass missile defense systems designed to intercept ballistic missiles.

Kim Jong Un is a skilled military communicator. He knows the Choe Hyon does not make North Korea capable of defeating the United States or Japan militarily — that is not the objective. The objective is to diversify the threat to the point where Tokyo and Washington can no longer focus on a single dimension of North Korean deterrence. It is a strategy of saturating the adversary's defensive capabilities.

A formidable but incomplete destroyer by international standards

Analyses by Naval News and Asia Times provide a more nuanced portrait of the Choe Hyon than the proclamations of North Korean propaganda. The vessel, 145 meters long and 16 meters wide, is equipped with 88 vertical launch system (VLS) cells in five configurations: approximately 44 cells for surface-to-air missiles and 30 larger-diameter cells for long-range cruise missiles or ballistic missiles. It has a main 127mm gun, close-in weapon systems, anti-submarine capabilities, and a deck for helicopters or drones.

However, experts note that the Choe Hyon lacks certain equipment that defines a first-tier modern destroyer: the advanced combat management radar system that would enable ballistic missile defense, and the network integration capabilities that allow a modern warship to operate within a distributed command-and-control architecture. As one Korean analyst noted, it is "more of a missile-loaded attack destroyer than a multidimensional warship." Formidable as a nuclear or conventional strike platform. Less capable in a complex high-technology naval engagement against high-tech forces.

Russian technology: The ghost in the machine

Several analysts — including sources cited by Jane's Defense Weekly and Asia Times — have identified design similarities between the Choe Hyon and Russian frigates of the Grigorovich class. The vessel also reportedly integrates the Russian Pantsir-M air defense system. Building such a warship in approximately 13 months — from keel-laying to the April 2025 launch ceremony — would be "impossible" without significant external assistance according to naval experts.

This Russian assistance is the direct product of the Russian-North Korean military cooperation that intensified since the outbreak of the war in Ukraine: Russia obtained North Korean Shahed drones and artillery munitions, while North Korea received in return military expertise, naval technologies, and diplomatic recognition. The Choe Hyon is a product of this Pyongyang-Moscow axis — a fact that directly links the war in Ukraine to North Korea's rising naval power.

The Choe Hyon is built with Russian technology, in the context of military cooperation partly financed by North Korean munitions that kill Ukrainians. If you are trying to understand why the war in Ukraine is not "merely" a regional conflict, here is a concrete example: its geostrategic consequences are also measured in the naval arsenals of Pyongyang.

Tokyo facing a nuclear maritime threat on its doorstep

Japan is the state most directly exposed to the new maritime dimension of the North Korean threat. The Choe Hyon, assigned to the West Sea Fleet (Yellow Sea), operates in waters within direct range of the Japanese islands. Its long-range cruise missiles can potentially reach Tokyo, Osaka, the American bases at Okinawa, and Yokosuka.

Historically, Japanese missile defense — articulated around land-based PAC-3 Patriot batteries and Aegis-equipped destroyers — was calibrated for North Korean ballistic missiles that follow predictable trajectories and are relatively easy to detect at launch. Cruise missiles fired from a destroyer at sea — at low altitude, with a terrain-hugging trajectory, harder to detect by radar — represent an attack vector that current defenses handle far less effectively. That is an asymmetry Kim has deliberately chosen.

Japan's response: Accelerated remilitarization and constitutional tensions

Japan is responding to this growing threat with the greatest acceleration of its military capability since the end of World War II. In 2022, the Kishida government had announced a doubling of the defense budget to 2% of GDP by 2027, the acquisition of American Tomahawk missiles for a counter-strike capability, and the development of domestic long-range cruise missiles. These capabilities, presented under a "counter-strike" doctrine (defensive preemption), skillfully circumvent — but not without tensions — Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution, which prohibits the use of war as an instrument of foreign policy.

Japan's acquisition of deep-strike capabilities — missiles capable of reaching military bases in North Korea and potentially in China — represents a geostrategic transformation that does not go unnoticed in Beijing. China perceives Japanese remilitarization as a direct threat, which reinforces its cooperation with North Korea — yet another military feedback loop in the region.

Japan rearming in response to the North Korean threat is a logical and legitimate exercise of the right to self-defense. But it fundamentally changes the regional dynamic: a Japan armed with long-range missiles is also a perceived threat to Beijing, which responds with military reinforcement, which worries Tokyo, which arms further. The arms spiral in East Asia is one of the most underreported geopolitical crises in the Western press.

Seoul facing a more mobile and unpredictable adversary

For South Korea, a North Korean nuclear destroyer in the Yellow Sea adds a complex dimension to an already dense security environment. The land border at the 38th parallel is the most direct security concern — thousands of North Korean artillery pieces pointed at Seoul, which is only 50 kilometers from the demilitarized zone. But a destroyer that can reposition at sea, launch cruise missiles from unpredictable positions, and potentially serve as a nuclear vector in case of escalation creates a second threat frontier to the West and South of the peninsula.

The South Korean navy, equipped with Aegis-class Sejong the Great destroyers and a growing submarine capability, remains technically superior to the Choe Hyon. But technical superiority is not the same as certainty of detection and interception in all operational conditions. The Choe Hyon adds uncertainty to South Korean defensive planning — and uncertainty is precisely what Kim wants to create.

American-North Korean talks: Silences and absences

In the context of the Trump administration's diplomatic engagement — focused on Iran and Ukraine at the time of the Choe Hyon's commissioning — North Korea is relatively absent from the active diplomatic agenda. Trump had initiated a personal relationship with Kim during his first two terms, with three historic meetings that did not result in nuclear disarmament. The North Korean nuclear question is in a phase of diplomatic stagnation.

This stagnation benefits Pyongyang: while diplomats debate the resumption of talks, the North Korean naval program advances. The Choe Hyon has been commissioned. The Kang Kon is about to follow. Construction of 10,000-ton cruisers is set to begin. Every year of inconclusive diplomacy is a year of growing North Korean nuclear capability — now maritime as much as ballistic and land-based.

I do not know how to resolve the North Korean question. I don't think anyone truly does. But I know that ignoring it — as the West tends to do between crises — is a guaranteed strategy of failure. Kim Jong Un did not wait for the West to be ready to deal with it before building his destroyers.

Okinawa, Yokosuka, Guam: Potential targets of a North Korean naval strike

The United States maintains more than 50,000 soldiers in Japan and approximately 28,500 in South Korea, supplemented by significant forces in Guam and other North Pacific islands. These bases have long been within range of North Korean ballistic missiles. The addition of a potential naval nuclear cruise missile vector does not fundamentally change that equation in terms of range, but makes it more complex in terms of detection and interception.

The naval base at Yokosuka — command center of the US 7th Fleet — is approximately 700 kilometers from the Yellow Sea. Cruise missiles fired from the Choe Hyon positioned in the Yellow Sea would be within that range. Before the Choe Hyon's commissioning, such a sea-launched strike would have required a North Korean submarine — whose capabilities are generally judged inferior to destroyers in terms of firepower and reliability. The destroyer changes that assessment.

The American response: From defensive theater to maritime deterrence

The US Indo-Pacific Command will need to adapt its exercises, doctrines, and potentially its deployments to integrate the North Korean maritime nuclear dimension. The US-Japan-South Korea cooperation — which was strengthened under the Camp David Principles of 2023 — already includes joint naval exercises and intelligence exchanges. The question is whether these cooperation mechanisms evolve fast enough to keep pace with a threat that is diversifying and growing in sophistication.

China watches all of these developments closely. American-Japanese-South Korean naval exercises are perceived in Beijing as demonstrations of force aimed as much at China as at North Korea. The regional dynamic is that of a security spiral where every reinforcement by one actor is perceived as a threat by the others, justifying their own reinforcements.

East Asia in 2026 sometimes resembles Europe in 1913 — powers arming themselves in response to each other's armaments, alliances hardening, red lines multiplying. I am not predicting war — multiple nuclear deterrences create a paradoxical stability. But the margin for error is narrowing. And miscalculations in a region so dense with nuclear arsenals can have unimaginable consequences.

The 10,000-ton cruisers and the ambition of a regional maritime power

Kim Jong Un announced on June 23, 2026 plans for 10,000-ton cruisers — twice the size of the Choe Hyon. Vessels of this size enter a different category: capable of conducting sustained blue-water operations, projecting power over greater distances, and serving as command platforms for combined naval forces. It is the ambition of a power projection navy, not merely coastal defense.

The timeline is ambitious — two blue-water vessels per year according to Kim's objective. This presupposes naval industrial capacities that North Korea is in the process of developing, with the probable assistance of Russia and potentially indirect equipment suppliers. The expansion of the naval shipyards at Nampo and Chongjin, documented by satellite imagery according to the ISW, confirms the commitment of real resources to this program.

The nuclearization of the navy and North Korean doctrine

The nuclearization of the North Korean navy is part of a broader doctrinal evolution: Kim wants a complete nuclear triad — land-based (intercontinental ballistic missiles), airborne (nuclear bombs carried by aircraft, though North Korean air capabilities remain limited), and maritime (destroyers and submarines). This triad makes deterrence more robust because it multiplies the vectors that must be simultaneously neutralized for a successful first strike by the adversary.

Nuclear cruise missiles embedded in the Choe Hyon — harder to detect at launch than ballistic missiles — create additional strategic ambiguity: in a crisis, an adversary cannot be certain whether a detected cruise missile is conventional or nuclear. This ambiguity complicates interception decisions and can create pressure toward escalation. That is the paradox of nuclear modernization: the more arsenals diversify, the more crisis management becomes complex, and the higher the risk of involuntary escalation.

There is a tragic irony in seeing Kim Jong Un building a nuclear navy with Russian technology, partly financed by North Korea selling munitions that kill Ukrainians, in a context where the West struggles to maintain a coherent strategy on three simultaneous fronts. The fragmentation of Western strategic attention is a resource that its adversaries exploit methodically.

How the war in Ukraine funds Pyongyang

The construction of the Choe Hyon and the broader North Korean naval program do not fall from the sky. They are partly financed by revenues generated from North Korean munitions exports to Russia. According to Western intelligence estimates, North Korea has delivered to Russia more than one million artillery shells and several thousand short-range ballistic missiles since 2023. In return, it has received foreign currency, fuel, foodstuffs — and above all, military technologies that international sanctions normally prevented it from acquiring.

This symbiotic relationship between Moscow and Pyongyang is one of the most underestimated strategic consequences of the war in Ukraine. Every North Korean shell fired on a Ukrainian city generates revenue that allows Kim Jong Un to build destroyers. Ukraine is therefore fighting not only the Russian army, but a transnational supply chain that connects Ukrainian battlefields to the shipyards of Pyongyang. This dimension should be central to any assessment of Western support for Ukraine.

Sanctions: A regime leaking everywhere

The sanctions regime against North Korea is, on paper, one of the strictest in the world. The UN Security Council has passed numerous resolutions limiting North Korean exports, luxury imports, financial transfers, and military cooperation. In practice, this regime has been systematically circumvented through the complicity of China and, increasingly, Russia. Beijing represents more than 90% of North Korea's foreign trade and enforces sanctions with a selectivity that preserves Chinese economic and geopolitical interests.

Since 2022, Russia has used its veto at the Security Council to block any resolution strengthening sanctions against Pyongyang — thus protecting its new munitions supplier. The multilateral sanctions regime against North Korea is therefore structurally weakened by the short-term strategic interests of two permanent members of the Security Council. It is a perfect illustration of the limits of the UN system when the powers meant to guarantee its integrity are its principal saboteurs.

Here is a truth few analysts state clearly: by supporting North Korea for its munitions, Putin's Russia is co-financing a nuclear naval program that, in time, will pose a serious threat to its own allies in the Asia-Pacific region. It is strategic myopia in its purest form: selling the weapons that will kill your own tomorrow's allies in order to win a war today. Putin is playing three-move chess when he should be playing ten.

The failure of the Six-Party framework and its lessons

The Six-Party Talks framework — involving North Korea, South Korea, Japan, the United States, China, and Russia — functioned intermittently from 2003 to 2009. It produced temporary agreements freezing North Korean nuclear activities in exchange for economic aid. Each agreement was ultimately broken by Pyongyang, which used the negotiations to obtain resources while secretly pursuing its program. North Korea learned that negotiations are a tool for obtaining concessions without giving real and lasting ones in return.

Since 2009, no serious multilateral framework has replaced the Six Parties. Attempts at American-North Korean bilateral diplomacy — notably the Trump-Kim summits of 2018–2019 — ended in spectacular failures. Pyongyang refused to negotiate on the basis of the American concept of complete, verifiable, and irreversible denuclearization (CVID). North Korea is today a de facto nuclear power — and the international community's denial of that reality only complicates the development of a coherent policy toward it.

Toward a management policy rather than denuclearization?

A growing number of international security experts suggest that the complete denuclearization of North Korea is no longer a realistic objective — at least not in the short term. They propose pivoting to a threat management policy: limiting the growth of the arsenal, preventing technology transfers, reducing the risk of accidental escalation, while maintaining open communication channels to avoid catastrophic misunderstandings. This approach is less ambitious than denuclearization — but it is more realistic against a nuclear power that has shown no disposition to give up its weapons.

The commissioning of the Choe Hyon complicates even this reduced management policy: a North Korea with a maritime nuclear strike capability is harder to monitor and deter than a North Korea whose vectors are purely land-based. The nuclear triad — land, air, sea — that Kim Jong Un is building is precisely designed to make adversary deterrence harder and missile defense architectures less effective.

I must admit a form of analytical powerlessness when it comes to North Korea. It is a regime that defies the rational behavior rules that international relations theorists developed to understand states. Kim Jong Un does not want to be integrated into the international system — he wants the international system to learn to live with him. And through sheer resistance, he is succeeding. That is a strategic victory for a regime that starves its own population. The injustice of that reality does not make it easier to analyze.

What the Choe Hyon really changes

The commissioning of the Choe Hyon marks a qualitative threshold in North Korean military capabilities. Not because this vessel alone shifts regional balances — it does not — but because it represents the concretization of a sustained and well-funded naval ambition that, in the 5 to 10 years ahead, could produce a fleet capable of conducting significant blue-water operations in the northwest Pacific. The trajectory matters as much as the current position.

For Tokyo, Seoul, and Washington, this means revising defense plans, adapting maritime surveillance architectures, and coordinating diplomatic responses to a threat that cannot be resolved by additional sanctions — already among the most severe in the world. The North Korean nuclear question will not disappear. It is diversifying, deepening, and breaking out of its land-based boundaries to conquer the sea.

The stakes for regional order

East Asia is a region where three nuclear powers — the United States, China, Russia — plus two American allies with theater nuclear capabilities (Japan with the guarantees of the American nuclear umbrella, South Korea similarly) coexist with an expanding nuclear North Korea. Adding a maritime dimension to that mix multiplies potential friction points, possible naval incidents, and miscalculation risks. The stability of the region depends on the restraint of all actors. And restraint is precisely the variable least well controlled when arsenals keep growing.

The Choe Hyon is more than a warship. It is a symbol of the international community's collective failure to prevent nuclear proliferation over thirty years. Every additional nuclear missile in Kim Jong Un's arsenal is a lesson drawn from the mistakes of Iraq, Libya, and the failed deal with Iran: those who give up their weapons are overthrown, those who keep them are feared. As long as this lesson dominates the strategic thinking of authoritarian regimes, proliferation will continue.

By Maxime Marquette, columnist

Editorial stance

I am not a journalist but a columnist and analyst. My expertise lies in observing and analysing the geopolitical, economic and strategic dynamics that shape our world. My work is to take political strategies apart, to understand global economic movements, to put the decisions of international actors in context and to offer analytical perspectives on the changes that are redefining our societies.

I do not claim the cold objectivity of traditional journalism, which stops at reporting facts. I claim analytical clarity, rigorous interpretation and a deep understanding of the complex issues that concern us all. My role is to give meaning to the facts, to place them in their historical and strategic context, and to offer a critical reading of events.

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