DECODING: 210 Strikes in May, 28 on Oil — The Arithmetic of the Deep-Strike Campaign
There are moments when military figures are not mere data points — they tell a strategy. 210 confirmed intermediate strikes in May 2026, 145 in June through the 22nd, of which 28 specifically targeted oil infrastructure. These figures, documented by the Institute for the Study of War (ISW) in its assessment of June 22, 2026, trace the contours of a deliberate, systematic campai
- There are moments when military figures are not mere data points — they tell a strategy. 210 confirmed intermediate strikes in May 2026, 145 in June through the 22nd, of which 28 specifically targeted oil infrastructure. These figures, documented by the Institute for the Study of War (ISW) in its assessment of June 22, 2026, trace the contours of a deliberate, systematic campai
- DECODING: 210 Strikes in May, 28 on Oil — The Arithmetic of the Deep-Strike Campaign
- Introduction: The war of numbers, or how to read a deep-strike campaign
Facts, quotes, and cited links remain in the body. Interpretations are framed as analysis or opinion according to the format.
DECODING: 210 Strikes in May, 28 on Oil — The Arithmetic of the Deep-Strike Campaign
Introduction: The war of numbers, or how to read a deep-strike campaign
When statistics tell a strategy
There are moments when military figures are not mere data points — they tell a strategy. 210 confirmed intermediate strikes in May 2026, 145 in June through the 22nd, of which 28 specifically targeted oil infrastructure. These figures, documented by the Institute for the Study of War (ISW) in its assessment of June 22, 2026, trace the contours of a deliberate, systematic campaign aimed at transforming the economic geography of the Russia-Ukraine war. Behind every geolocated strike, there is a strategic decision: where to hit, what to destroy, what effect to pursue.
Ukraine's deep-strike campaign experienced a spectacular escalation in 2026. In March 2026, for the first time in this conflict, Ukraine launched more drones toward Russian territory than Russia sent toward Ukraine. That symbolic reversal — a supposedly defensive power striking farther and harder than the aggressor — signals a profound transformation in the conflict's dynamics. How did Ukraine get here? What exactly do these strikes target? And what concrete effects do they produce?
The arithmetic of systematic destruction
The 210 strikes of May are not isolated incidents. They constitute an industrial targeting campaign, planned by a team of unmanned weapons systems specialists who have transformed their methods since the first symbolic strikes of 2022. Each strike serves a precise objective in a logic of cumulative degradation: a refinery struck once reduces its output. Struck three times, it is forced into maintenance. Struck five times on its key infrastructure, it drops out of production for months. The 28 strikes on oil infrastructure in June follow this logic of systematic repetition against the same target categories.
According to the Wall Street Journal as cited by RBC-Ukraine on June 27, 2026, these massive drone attacks have already neutralized approximately 20% of Russia's petroleum refining capacity. This is no longer tactical disruption — it is strategic degradation. The ISW noted that same day that Ukraine's campaign against oil infrastructure since March 2026 had led to fuel shortages across occupied Ukraine and in numerous Russian regions, and that Russian authorities were struggling to address them.
The architecture of Ukraine's deep-strike campaign
Three concentric rings of targeting
Ukraine's deep-strike campaign operates along three concentric rings. The first ring — frontline strikes — targets Russian military positions in occupied territories: ammunition depots, command posts, concentrations of armor. The second ring — intermediate strikes — reaches logistical and military infrastructure in Russian territory at a depth of 500 to 1,000 kilometres: fuel depots, rail hubs, air bases, weapons factories in nearby oblasts. The third ring — deep strikes — reaches targets more than 1,000 kilometres out, including Moscow, Saint Petersburg, and beyond.
It is within this framework that the 210 intermediate strikes of May 2026 documented by the ISW are situated. The distinction between rings is not merely geographical — it is also political and strategic. Intermediate strikes expanded massively once Ukraine received authorization to use Western weapons against targets on Russian territory — a decision that broke a major political taboo in 2024. Deep strikes, for their part, rely primarily on Ukrainian indigenous capabilities — Liutyi, FP-1, RS-1 Bars drones — which allow Kyiv to operate without requiring allied permission.
Oil targets: the strategic core
The 28 strikes on oil infrastructure in June represent a clear strategic priority. The logic is twofold. First, oil exports account for approximately 40 to 50% of Russia's hard-currency revenues — reducing those revenues directly reduces the war's financing capacity. Second, fuel is the oxygen of any mechanized army: tanks, armored vehicles, helicopters, aircraft, logistics trucks. Hitting refineries, export terminals, and fuel depots creates a physical shortage that rapidly translates into operational constraints for Russian armed forces.
Strategy professor Peter Dickinson of the Atlantic Council put it plainly: Ukraine's deep-strike campaign aims to "exploit Russia's vastness and turn it from a strength into a weakness." There are simply not enough air-defense systems to cover every refinery, every fuel depot, every rail hub in a territory of 17 million km². The surface area to protect is a structural vulnerability that Ukraine's campaign exploits methodically.
Geolocation as an assessment tool
How the ISW counts strikes
The ISW's methodology for counting strikes deserves explanation. The Institute does not rely on official statements from the belligerents — both sides have incentives to overstate their own successes and downplay those of the adversary. The ISW relies on geolocation: each strike is verified by analyzing videos and photos published on social media, cross-referenced with satellite imagery and open-source mapping data. A strike is counted only when its location can be independently confirmed geographically.
This rigorous methodology has several implications. First, the ISW's figures are conservative estimates — strikes not documented by geolocatable imagery are not counted. The actual number of successful strikes is likely higher. Second, the geographical distribution of documented strikes allows precise mapping of the effective coverage range of Ukrainian drones — a cartography of considerable analytical value. Third, month-over-month comparison of the figures tracks the evolving intensity and reach of the campaign.
From 210 to 145: a slowdown that isn't one
The shift from 210 strikes in May to 145 strikes in June (through the 22nd) might appear to signal a slowdown. The interpretation warrants nuance. May 2026 was a month of maximum offensive — a peak of activity including the spectacular strikes on the Moscow region. June, the month of the 40-day campaign endorsed by Zelensky on June 25, saw an increased concentration on oil targets (28 strikes on that sector alone, versus a smaller proportion in May). The nature of the targets shifted even as the overall volume dipped slightly.
Moreover, one should not fixate solely on geolocated strikes. The true measure of the campaign's effectiveness is not the strike count but the cumulative effects: how much less fuel is being produced, how many weapons-production facilities have been neutralized, how many Russian air sorties have been reduced by jet-fuel shortages, and what economic shortages are appearing in Russian regions. These effects are difficult to quantify precisely but are clearly documented by both the ISW and Russian economic media themselves.
Refineries: priority targets of an oil campaign
Kapotnya, Volgograd, Saratov: the month's targets
Ukraine's 2026 oil campaign has targeted a broad spectrum of refineries and terminals. The Kapotnya refinery in Moscow — which supplies approximately 40% of the capital's fuel and processes 230,000 barrels per day — was struck multiple times in May and June. Ukrainian Flamingo drones struck a plant in Volgograd producing launch systems for Yars and Topol-M intercontinental ballistic missiles and Iskander missiles. Strikes also hit facilities in the regions of Saratov, Bryansk, Voronezh, and other oblasts.
The second strike on the Vtorovo pumping station on June 27, 2026, documented in the sources, illustrates the strategy of systematic repetition. Striking an infrastructure once may cause temporary damage. Striking it again before repairs are complete compounds the damage and indefinitely delays its return to service. This double-tap logic — strike, wait, re-strike — maximizes the disruptive effect on Russian production systems.
Fuel shortages: a blunt economic indicator
The ISW documented on June 22, 2026 that Ukrainian strikes against refineries and logistics since March had caused fuel shortages across all of occupied Ukraine and in many Russian regions. Russia, which had not imported fuel from Asia in 2025, resumed doing so in 2026 — a clear sign that domestic production is no longer sufficient. Long lines at gas stations, purchase restrictions, and rising prices in several Russian regions are all evidence that Ukraine's campaign is producing tangible economic effects.
These shortages cascade outward. They weigh on Russian military logistics in occupied zones, where supply convoys face growing difficulties. They fuel social discontent in Russian regions, where residents must cope with higher prices and real shortages. And they reduce Russia's export revenues, already battered by oil price sanctions, creating additional budgetary pressure on the war's financing.
The two-pronged strategy: logistics and production
Prong 1: Strike the refineries to cut off the fuel
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ISW analysts have identified a dual logic in Ukraine's deep-strike campaign against oil infrastructure. Long-range strikes on refineries reduce domestic fuel production — gradually depriving Russian armed forces and the national economy of the energy they need to function. Every refinery taken offline for weeks or months represents hundreds of thousands of barrels not produced, barrels that cannot reach the tanks, aircraft, and trucks of the Russian military.
The range of Ukraine's newest drones — some capable of covering up to 2,000 kilometres according to their manufacturers, with Ukrainian military intelligence citing capabilities reaching up to 3,500 kilometres — puts oil installations in the Urals and beyond theoretically within reach. In April 2026, Ukraine struck targets in the Orenburg region — approximately 1,500 kilometres from the border. That capability demonstration fundamentally changes Russia's strategic calculus regarding what can be considered safely out of range.
Prong 2: Strike the highways to cut off supply lines
In parallel with refinery strikes, Ukraine has developed a campaign of intermediate-range strikes targeting the roads and railways that feed supplies toward the front. Drones have targeted fuel tankers on roads in occupied territory, ammunition convoys, and strategic rail hubs. This combination — reducing production on one end, disrupting distribution on the other — creates a double chokehold on Russian logistics.
Russia is massively dependent on its rail network for operational logistics. Thousands of tonnes of ammunition, fuel, spare parts, and equipment transit every week through rail hubs toward combat zones. A successful strike on a major hub can paralyze logistics flows for days, creating front-line shortages that translate directly into reduced firing and maneuver capability for Russian forces.
Weapons factories as priority targets
Voronezh, Bryansk, Smolensk: striking production at the source
Ukraine's deep-strike campaign is not limited to energy infrastructure. It also targets weapons factories and defense enterprises deep inside Russian territory. The strike of June 22, 2026 on the Voronezh plant producing components for cruise missiles and air-defense systems — documented by the ISW — illustrates this industrial targeting strategy. Every missile component not produced is a missile that will not be fired at Ukraine.
Strikes also hit the Kremniy EL plant in Bryansk — producing electronics for Pantsir systems — and other facilities in the regions of Smolensk, Tver, Pskov, and in the Urals. The campaign against the defense industry aims to slow the replenishment of missile stocks and matériel that Russia is consuming in large quantities at the front. Every month of delay in replenishment is a month of reduced offensive capacity for Russian forces.
The cumulative effect on Russian arms production
It is difficult to quantify precisely the impact of Ukraine's campaign on Russian arms production — that data is classified on both sides. But available indicators suggest a significant impact. Russia has been forced to procure artillery shells massively from North Korea — which would not have been necessary if its own factories were running at full capacity. Delivery timelines for certain systems have reportedly increased. And the observed shortfalls in air-defense systems suggest production is not keeping pace with consumption.
The ISW noted in its June 22 assessment that Ukrainian strikes continued to impede Russian front-line operations — destroying armor, degrading command systems, and disrupting logistics convoys. This multilevel pressure — on logistics, production, and forward positions — creates a strain that Russian forces must manage simultaneously across multiple fronts, depleting their human and material resources in depth.
The 40-day campaign: a diplomatic and military offensive
Zelensky endorses a coordinated influence operation
On June 25, 2026, Volodymyr Zelensky endorsed a 40-day influence campaign aimed at pushing Russia toward diplomatic concessions. This campaign combines the ongoing military pressure of deep strikes with an information strategy targeting "Putin's friends" and seeking to create fissures within the Kremlin's inner circle. Zelensky himself described Ukrainian strikes as "long-range sanctions" — a framing that borrows economic vocabulary to characterize military operations.
The timing of this campaign coincides with the opening of a potential diplomatic window. Zelensky stated on June 26, 2026 that Ukraine was ready for meetings but that Russia had to take the first step. A meeting between the two presidents was being discussed as possible in diplomatic circles. The maximum military pressure — embodied in 210 strikes in May and 145 in June — aims precisely at creating the conditions for negotiation from a position of Ukrainian strength.
The window until winter 2026
Zelensky had referenced a "talks window open until winter 2026." That framing implies time pressure: Ukraine is seeking diplomatic outcomes before winter conditions once again reduce the drone campaign's effectiveness — harsh winters affecting battery performance and weather limiting certain types of navigation. The deep campaign of summer 2026 must therefore be read as a deliberate attempt to maximize pressure before that winter window closes.
This temporal logic is fundamental to understanding the intensity of the 210 strikes of May. Ukraine chose to accelerate its tempo during the favorable spring-summer window, hoping that the accumulation of damage — to refineries, weapons factories, military infrastructure — would create sufficient pressure on Moscow to reopen serious negotiations. This is military coercion in service of diplomatic objectives — the classic formula of operational-level strategy.
The secret drone team: organizing an industrial campaign
A parallel organization within Ukrainian forces
Reporting by Business Insider, NPR, and other American outlets in June 2026 partially lifted the veil on the organization behind Ukraine's deep-strike campaign. A dedicated team, operating with extremely high levels of operational security, coordinates long-range missions that penetrate deep into Russian territory. These missions involve multiple types of actors: the Special Operations Forces (SSO), military intelligence (GUR), the Unmanned Systems Forces (SBS), and private defense companies whose drones equip those missions.
The organization includes flight-path programming teams — who map adversary defenses and plan infiltration routes — drone maintenance teams, targeting teams, and post-strike damage assessment teams. It is a complete military-industrial logistics chain, operating at a tempo that would have seemed beyond Ukraine's reach two years ago. This capability development represents one of the most remarkable military transformations of the decade.
Domestic production: a 312% increase
The Ukrainian Ministry of Defence stated in mid-2026 that production of medium-range strike drones had increased by approximately 312% in the first four months of 2026 compared to all of 2025. The stated objective is to reach a production rate of 300 long-range drones per day. Several dozen Ukrainian defense companies contribute to this output — a distributed war industry that has emerged as one of the positive surprises of the conflict for Ukraine's supporters.
This industrial scale-up fundamentally changes the deep-strike campaign's equation. In 2023, Ukraine struck inside Russian territory with limited capabilities — a few dozen drones per night, primarily for symbolic effect. By 2026, it can launch formations of 100 to 200 or more drones simultaneously, overwhelming defenses and guaranteeing that a significant proportion reaches its target. That quantitative transformation produces qualitative, irreversible effects on the campaign's strategy.
The foundations of growing range: technology and ingenuity
The Liutyi and its successors: pushing the limits
The Ukrainian drone An-196 Liutyi ("Fierce") is the workhorse of the long-range campaign. Propeller-driven, with a declared range of up to 2,000 kilometres, it is the primary tool for the deepest strikes. Information from Ukrainian GUR suggests that some systems can reach up to 3,500 kilometres, theoretically putting parts of Siberia within range. The FP-1 family drone, developed by Fire Point, costs approximately $55,000 and has been used in attacks on the Moscow region.
The May 17, 2026 attack on Moscow revealed two additional systems: the jet-powered RS-1 Bars, capable of higher speeds and harder to intercept, and the BARS-SM GLADIATOR, a previously unknown drone. This diversification of systems considerably complicates the defenders' task: different characteristics (speed, altitude, radar signature) require different responses, creating a form of multidimensional pressure on Russian air-defense systems.
Navigation in a degraded environment
One of the most important technical advances of Ukraine's campaign is the progressive resolution of the GPS jamming problem. Russia makes intensive use of electronic warfare to disrupt satellite-positioning navigation systems, forcing drones off course. Ukrainian technical teams have developed hybrid navigation systems combining GPS, inertial navigation, and visual recognition — allowing drones to maintain their trajectory even in high-jamming environments.
The ability to navigate autonomously without constant GPS is one of the keys to the deep campaign's success. It allows drones to fly at low altitude over long distances through a hostile electronic-warfare environment, relying on pre-programmed terrain profiles and onboard navigation AI. Progress in this area has been rapid — illustrating the technological adaptability of Ukraine's defense ecosystem under the pressure of real-world warfare.
Russia facing the campaign: partial adaptation, persistent vulnerability
Russia's attempts to adapt
Russia has not been passive in the face of Ukraine's campaign. It has multiplied air-defense positions around priority targets. It has dispersed its aircraft into decentralized hangars. It has reinforced physical protections at its refineries. It has developed decoy drones to confuse Ukrainian missiles during its own retaliatory strikes. It has intensified electronic-warfare operations to disrupt enemy drone navigation.
These adaptations have slowed Ukraine's campaign in certain respects — some heavily defended targets now require more drones to reach. But they have not fundamentally reversed the trend. The structural problem remains: there are too many targets to protect and too few systems available. Every position that is reinforced creates a weakness elsewhere. The redistribution of defenses is a zero-sum game that Russia cannot win in the face of Ukraine's continuously growing drone production.
The strategic debate inside the Kremlin
Journalistic sources suggest that Ukraine's deep-strike campaign is creating growing tensions within Russia's decision-making system. Economic officials watch fuel shortages and industrial damage accumulate. Military commanders are unable to guarantee the protection of every strategic installation. And Putin refuses to publicly acknowledge the scale of the damage, maintaining a facade of normalcy that is becoming ever less credible. This tension between operational reality and political communication is a sign of mounting systemic pressure.
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The ISW notes across several June 2026 assessments that Russian milbloggers — informal military analysts operating on Russian social networks — are expressing growing alarm over the inability to defend the territory. This internal critical voice, marginal and controlled as it is, reflects genuine frustration among Russian military professionals at the system's failure to respond effectively to the threat from Ukrainian drones.
The economic calculus of the campaign
What the 210 strikes cost, and what they destroy
A Fire Point FP-1 drone costs approximately $55,000. A Liutyi drone costs approximately $200,000. Even on a high assumption, the 210 strikes of May 2026 cost Ukraine a few tens of millions of dollars at most. Against that: a struck refinery represents tens of millions of dollars in damage and hundreds of millions in fuel not produced. A struck weapons plant slows production worth billions. The cost-benefit equation for Ukraine is spectacularly favorable.
The comparison with traditional weapons systems is instructive. A Western cruise missile costs between $500,000 and $2 million. A Ukrainian drone at $55,000 can strike the same category of target — with perhaps less precision on a single hit, but with the ability to send ten of them for the same price. In a saturation campaign aimed at attriting defenses and accumulating damage, numerical mass produces strategic effects that costlier precision weapons cannot achieve alone.
The impact on Russian finances
The fuel shortages caused by Ukraine's campaign have cascading economic effects. Russia has had to import fuel from Asia — at costs above domestic prices. It has imposed fuel export restrictions — forfeiting precious hard-currency revenues. And the damage to oil infrastructure accumulates in an already difficult context: Urals crude was trading at $44.3 per barrel in June 2026 — well below Russia's budget breakeven — and oil revenues had fallen 40% over twelve months through April.
This convergence — low oil price, refining capacity reduced by strikes, falling hard-currency revenues — creates growing financial pressure on the Russian war budget. The budget deficit for the first four months of 2026 had already reached 5.88 trillion rubles — approximately $78.9 billion — exceeding the annual target by a factor of one and a half. Every Ukrainian refinery that burns contributes, in its small way, to worsening that financial situation.
The limits and risks of the campaign
Escalation risks
Ukraine's deep-strike campaign is not without risks. Putin threatened on June 23, 2026 retaliatory strikes on Europe if Ukrainian drones were launched from European soil. That threat, presented by analysts as an attempt to manufacture a pretext for further escalation, tests the nerves of Ukraine's allies. The deeper Ukraine's strikes reach into Russian territory — particularly around Moscow — the higher the perceived risk of a disproportionate response.
Russia has also intensified its own strikes on Ukrainian cities in response to the successes of the deep campaign — a cross-retaliation logic that causes Ukrainian civilians to suffer. The ballistic missile launched on Kyiv on June 25–26, 2026 and the strikes on Zaporizhzhia causing at least 9 wounded on June 26 follow that logic. Ukraine and its allies must manage the risk that the pressure exerted by the deep campaign triggers Russian escalation against Ukrainian civilians or — more troublingly — against targets on NATO territory.
Industrial sustainability
The deep-strike campaign depends on Ukraine's ability to maintain high drone production in the context of a total war. Ukrainian drone factories are themselves targets: the ISW reported on June 22, 2026 that a production facility belonging to Ukrainian drone manufacturer General Chereshnya had been struck by Russian forces. If Russia identifies and systematically targets drone production installations, it can attempt to erode the industrial base of the deep-strike campaign.
Ukraine's response to that risk is the geographical dispersal of production — multiplying sites, reducing the size of individual workshops, subcontracting in anonymized civilian buildings. It is the same logic that protected Soviet war industry during World War II. But that dispersal comes at a cost in coordination and quality control. Ukraine must constantly navigate between the need to scale up rapidly and the need to protect its production capacity.
The geopolitical impact: prestige and perception
Ukraine redefining what military power means
Beyond the direct military and economic effects, Ukraine's deep-strike campaign has a major geopolitical effect on the perception of power. A country invaded by a neighboring great power, which not only resists but carries the war to the heart of the enemy capital — striking refineries in Moscow, 600 kilometres from its border — redefines what modern military power is. It is no longer simply a question of size, number of tanks, or defence budget. It is a question of technological creativity, industrial organization, and political will.
That redefinition has implications for other states under pressure: whether Taiwan facing China, or the Baltic states facing Russia, the Ukrainian lesson is that smaller, poorer nations can impose considerable asymmetric costs on larger invaders if they possess the right technology, the will to use it, and the support of international partners. That lesson will resonate in defence planning worldwide for decades.
The message to partners: keep helping
The 210 strikes of May 2026 are also a message to Ukraine's partners and allies: military assistance works. The systems supplied by NATO — Patriot, HIMARS, Leopard tanks, remotely operated munitions — combined with Ukrainian domestic drone production, are producing measurable strategic effects. Every burning refinery, every struck weapons plant, every fuel shortage in Russia is proof that Western support is bearing fruit. That is a central diplomatic argument for sustaining and increasing that support over time.
Ukraine knows that its ability to sustain this deep campaign also depends on the constancy of its allies' support — in intelligence, in technology, in components for its drones, in air-defense systems. The 210 strikes of May are a demonstration of what that partnership can accomplish. And a powerful argument for that partnership to continue.
The deep-strike campaign: lessons for Western military doctrine
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What the West is learning from Ukraine's deep-strike strategy
Ukraine's 2025–2026 deep-strike campaign constitutes a strategic laboratory of inestimable value for Western militaries. It demonstrates several principles that existed only as hypotheses in doctrine manuals: the effectiveness of low-cost long-range drones against high-cost defenses; the importance of targeting logistical and energy infrastructure rather than combat formations directly; the value of deep interdiction campaigns for degrading the adversary's industrial capacity over the long term. The 210 strikes of May and the 145 strikes of June 2026 documented by the ISW constitute a sustained, planned, evaluated, and real-time-adjusted campaign — not isolated coups de main.
For NATO general staffs planning the defence of the Eastern flank, Ukrainian lessons on deep-strike drones are directly applicable. The capacity to strike Russian logistics depots behind the front, command centers, and supply routes is precisely the doctrine NATO is developing with its own systems. ATACMS missiles, British Storm Shadow, French SCALP-EG — all of these systems have Ukrainian cousins in the deep-strike campaign. Ukraine has become the real-world testing ground for Western deep-strike doctrine.
The industrial dimension: producing at the necessary scale
The most unsettling lesson of Ukraine's deep-strike campaign for the Western defence industry is a question of industrial scale. Ukraine fired 660 drones in a single week according to WION. It conducts hundreds of strikes per month. That requires a production capacity that defies traditional defence industry models — companies that produce complex weapons systems in small quantities at high unit costs. Ukraine bypassed that model by developing low-cost mass-produced drones, continuously modified to counter Russian countermeasures, built in distributed workshops that are difficult to target.
That industrial lesson is directly relevant to NATO member states. The $54 billion in new defence contracts announced for the Ankara Summit in July 2026 will only be effective if part of that investment goes toward developing a rapid, economical production industrial capacity — not just complex, expensive weapons systems. Tomorrow's wars will be won by those who can produce at scale and adapt quickly, not just by those with the most sophisticated systems. Ukraine has proven that ingenuity and mass can beat sophistication and scarcity.
Conclusion: The arithmetic of freedom
What the numbers say about Ukraine
210 strikes in May, 145 in June, 28 on oil. These figures are not merely military statistics. They tell the story of a country that refused to be crushed, that transformed its resistance into an offensive, that carried the war to the heart of the aggressor. They also tell the story of an industry born under bombardment, of engineers who solved technological problems under existential pressure, of soldiers who developed new doctrines by learning from their own mistakes and from the adversary's.
Ukraine's deep-strike campaign is not the end of the war. It has not yet created sufficient pressure to force Putin to negotiate seriously. But it has fundamentally changed the conflict's dynamics — by carrying the war's costs onto Russian territory, by degrading the adversary's industrial and energy capacity, and by demonstrating that Ukraine can hold out over the long term. That is an arithmetic that is tilting, slowly but surely, in the right direction.
The summer of decision
Summer 2026 will be one of the defining moments of this conflict. The 40-day campaign endorsed by Zelensky, the diplomatic pressure on "Putin's friends," and the window open until winter 2026 for potential negotiations — all of this creates a political calendar that gives urgent meaning to the June strikes. Every additional strike on a refinery, every S-300 launcher destroyed, every tonne of oil not produced contributes to the balance of power that will determine whether and on what terms Russia ever agrees to sit seriously at a negotiating table. The arithmetic of the deep campaign is also, ultimately, the arithmetic of a possible peace.
By Maxime Marquette, columnist
Columnist's transparency note
My positions and uncertainties
I support Ukrainian resistance and the deep-strike strategy as a legitimate instrument of pressure. That said, I acknowledge important limits in my analysis: the ISW's strike counts are conservative estimates based on geolocatable strikes — the true total could be higher or lower. The economic effects on Russian production are difficult to quantify precisely, and I will refrain from categorical claims about their full impact.
I do not know the specifics of the individual targets struck in the 210 strikes of May beyond what has been publicly documented. I do not know with certainty to what extent Russian fuel shortages are directly attributable to Ukrainian strikes versus other factors (sanctions, domestic dynamics). These uncertainties are part of any analysis of an ongoing conflict.
Method
This article relies primarily on daily ISW assessments, reports from RBC-Ukraine, Militarnyi, United24 Media, and analysis published by MiGFlug and other specialized sources. I have cross-referenced available information to advance only facts corroborated by multiple sources.
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Cite this article
Maxime Marquette (2026). DECODING: 210 Strikes in May, 28 on Oil — The Arithmetic of the Deep-Strike Campaign. MadMax. https://mad-max.co/en/article/decryptage-210-frappes-en-mai-28-sur-le-petrole-l-arithmetique-de-la-campagne-pr
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