COLUMN: Ramstein Holds — Colby, Rutte, and the Ukraine That Changes Everything
At the 35th Ukraine Defense Contact Group in Brussels, a senior Pentagon official said — without hyperbole — that Ukraine's situation has improved. Rutte backed deep strikes inside Russia. Four billion pledged. Something shifted on June 18, 2026.
- At the 35th Ukraine Defense Contact Group in Brussels, a senior Pentagon official said — without hyperbole — that Ukraine's situation has improved. Rutte backed deep strikes inside Russia. Four billion pledged. Something shifted on June 18, 2026.
- Introduction: Brussels, June 18, 2026 — Something Changed
- A rare signal from Washington
Facts, quotes, and cited links remain in the body. Interpretations are framed as analysis or opinion according to the format.
Introduction: Brussels, June 18, 2026 — Something Changed
A rare signal from Washington
There are moments in a long, exhausting war when a single sentence is enough to redefine the narrative. That moment came on June 18, 2026, in Brussels, at the 35th meeting of the Ukraine Defense Contact Group — known as the Ramstein format — when Elbridge Colby, U.S. Under Secretary of Defense for Policy, offered a declaration that nobody would have dared formulate even a few months earlier: "Indeed, without engaging in hyperbole, in recent months we have reason to think Ukraine's situation has even improved." Without hyperbole. Here was a Pentagon official who chooses his words with care, and who nevertheless said clearly: Ukraine's situation has improved.
This is not a victory communiqué. Nor is it moral capitulation before the reality of an ongoing war. It is something rarer and more precious: an honest, calibrated, measured assessment — and nevertheless deeply encouraging for anyone who still believes international law is worth defending. In Brussels that day, Ukraine's allies spoke. And what they said changes everything.
Rutte and the right to strike
The day before, on June 17, as delegations crowded the corridors of the Belgian capital ahead of the formal summit opening, NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte also sent a strong signal. Asked by a journalist from the independent Russian-exile outlet The Breakfast Show whether the Alliance wished Ukraine to moderate its deep strikes on Russian territory to facilitate peace negotiations, Rutte did not flinch. "Ukraine has to defend itself," he replied, specifying that this fundamental right includes the right to strike legitimate military targets inside Russia. This is not a rhetorical nuance. It is an explicit political validation of Ukraine's deep-strike strategy.
Together, Colby and Rutte produced, within forty-eight hours, a double signal impossible to ignore: Ukraine is holding, it is striking, and the West supports both.
The Ramstein Context: The 35th Time Is Not the Same
A worn-down format that learned to reinvent itself
The Ramstein format was celebrating its 35th meeting. Thirty-five times where ministers, under-secretaries, and delegation heads had gathered to coordinate military aid to Ukraine. Thirty-five times where critics had accused the group of being too slow, too cautious, too dependent on NATO internal consensus. But this 35th session, co-chaired by the United Kingdom and Germany, showed something different: a quality and focus that Ukrainian Defense Minister Mykhailo Fedorov did not hesitate to name explicitly. "The key difference between this meeting and previous ones was the emergence of greater quality and focus," he declared after the session closed.
Nearly 50 countries were represented in Brussels's meeting rooms. President Zelensky was present in person — a presence that, by itself, changes a meeting's dynamic. Fedorov announced that the day's combined contributions reached approximately 4 billion dollars in new military aid, distributed across air defense, drones, and long-range artillery. That is not nothing. It is also not enough. But it is targeted, and that is what matters.
What "4 billion" really means on the ground
Behind the headline figure lies a precise mechanism. Close to one billion dollars is directed toward the PURL program — Prioritized Ukraine Requirements List — to provide Ukraine with interceptor missiles for its Patriot air defense systems. Nine countries confirmed their participation in this initiative: Luxembourg, Lithuania, Latvia, Iceland, Australia, Norway, the Netherlands, Germany, and Sweden. Australia alone announced an additional new contribution of 100 million dollars. The PURL program, designed under the Trump administration, has become the key mechanism for supplying Ukrainian front lines with American weapons purchased by European allies — a transatlantic ingenuity that deserves to be recognized.
The United Kingdom, for its part, announced a package of 752 million pounds sterling — approximately one billion dollars — entirely funded by revenues generated from frozen Russian sovereign assets, under the "Extraordinary Revenue Acceleration" (ERA) loan of 2.26 billion pounds extended to Ukraine. This package includes 150,000 drones of Ukrainian manufacture and more than 350 air defense missiles and radar systems, including Lightweight Multirole Missile (LMM) projectiles. The Netherlands announced an additional package of 500 million euros, including 250 million to strengthen Kyiv's drone capabilities and approximately 700 cruise missiles.
Colby at the Podium: The Statement That Counts
An under-secretary who chooses his words like a surgeon
Elbridge Colby does not improvise. Intellectual architect of the Pacific rebalancing strategy under Trump, known for his realist vision and initial reluctance to commit without limit in Europe, he built his reputation precisely on analytical rigor. This is why his June 18 declaration in Brussels — made public by the U.S. Department of Defense in an official transcript — must be read with all the attention it deserves. "In the war, Ukraine has managed to hold the front line, and even improve its position in some places, continuing to lay the groundwork for a lasting peace built on Russia's understanding that perpetuating this war is not only condemnable but also will not pay off for Moscow."
This formulation is not an act of diplomatic generosity. It is a strategic assessment. Colby is saying the strategy is working. That the bet of transferring leadership of Ukraine support to the Europeans — while maintaining U.S. industrial capacity in service of the PURL — proved not only viable but correlated with a real improvement in Ukraine's position on the ground. He is also saying, between the lines, something essential: peace will not be built on an agreement wrested from an exhausted Ukraine, but on demonstrating that Russia cannot win this war.
The warning behind the encouragement
Colby did not come to Brussels to distribute medals. He explicitly called on allies to "not lose sight of the task before us," underscoring that "much has been done — but far more remains." Ukraine's defense is holding, yes — but only because it is continuously supported. Without this sustained support, that hold would be fragile. Colby emphasized the JUMPSTART mechanism, which allows allies to draw on the scale of America's defense industry to acquire critical capabilities — notably air defense interceptors — for Ukraine. A clear signal to Europeans: the United States continues to facilitate, but they must finance.
This logic of "we open the catalog, you pay the bill" may seem cold. It is, in reality, consistent with a long-term strategic vision: forcing Europe to develop the habits, capacities, and budgets of substantive support for its own defense. In this respect, Trump — and Colby who executes this policy — plays, despite everything, a role that History might judge positively, if and only if Europe steps up. For now, it is stepping up.
Rutte, the Strikes, and the Question That Stings
How far can Ukraine strike?
The question of Ukrainian deep strikes on Russian territory is one of the conflict's most sensitive since its beginning. Every technological advance by Kyiv — every new drone that reaches a new record distance — provokes a double reaction in Western chancelleries: admiration for the substance and nervousness about the diplomatic implications. Domestically produced Ukrainian drones now reach targets between 1,700 and 2,000 kilometers inside Russian territory, striking military production facilities, air bases, and energy sites. This is a strategic strike capability that no one anticipated at such scale two years ago.
The Moscow-Kapotnya oil refinery, struck on June 18 in an attack Russian media described as "the most significant in two years," is the most spectacular demonstration. Zelensky himself called this strike a "justified response" to Russian attacks on Ukrainian territory. This is not rhetoric — it is a doctrine. And Rutte has officially endorsed this doctrine, at least implicitly, by refusing to condemn these strikes and reaffirming Ukraine's right to self-defense.
NATO's rhetorical turning point
Rutte's positioning is not inconsequential. Barely eighteen months ago, several NATO allies hesitated to explicitly authorize Ukraine to use Western weapons against targets on Russian soil. Today, the Alliance's Secretary General states without equivocation that striking military targets in Russia is an act of self-defense. This rhetorical shift reflects a deep transformation in the Alliance's perception of the conflict. Russia is no longer treated as an actor to be handled carefully so as not to irritate it further. It is treated as an aggressor whose military and energy infrastructure constitutes legitimate targets in the context of an armed conflict.
Rutte also mentioned, at his press conference, Russian human losses: according to his estimates, Russia is losing between 30,000 and 35,000 soldiers per month, killed or severely wounded. "Those are really impressive numbers," he commented. These figures, if accurate, mean Russia is consuming its military youth at an unsustainable pace — and that every month of war costs Moscow what some European armies have as their total effective force. Putin is burning his own house down to sustain his imperial ambitions.
Zelensky in Brussels: Presence as Message
A president who cannot stay home
Volodymyr Zelensky arrived in Brussels on the evening of June 17, welcomed to dinner by Rutte at his residence. The following day, he spoke before Contact Group delegates, ahead of the plenary session. His physical presence at this meeting — while war rages hundreds of kilometers away — is itself a political act. It says that the head of the Ukrainian state does not delegate advocacy for his country. He carries it himself, in person, in every capital, in every meeting room that matters.
In his public statements of June 19, Zelensky summarized the summit's results with unvarnished clarity. He hailed the commitments obtained — more than one billion dollars via the PURL, 500 million for long-range artillery, an additional billion for Ukrainian drones and missiles — while insisting on urgency: "Sometimes these deliveries make the difference literally day by day." When Kyiv knows a massive Russian strike is being prepared and can receive Patriot missiles the day before, those weapons save lives. This is not a figure of speech.
The warning about a weakening Putin
But Zelensky did not come only to express gratitude. He also issued a warning. "Putin is becoming weak. He is weakening politically, on the battlefield and physically. And that is why he may intensify strikes against us, against our people, with missiles and drones." A leader who feels the ground shifting beneath his feet is the most dangerous. This is the logic of a wounded animal. Zelensky knows it, says it aloud, and asks Ukrainians to take shelter. This personal appeal — "Please use shelters. I beg you, I really do" — says something deeply human about a man who has led a nation at war for four years.
On the question of peace, Zelensky maintained a consistent position. Ukraine is ready for negotiations. But not at any price. "Putin wants everything here to burn, and he is reckless — partners can sense this." Zelensky did not present Putin as a good-faith interlocutor. He described him as an actor whose only calculation is destruction. Peace, for Kyiv, can only come from a position of strength — not a capitulation disguised as armistice.
The Front: What Colby Says and What the Numbers Confirm
Liberating territory, refusing to cede it
Colby's assertion about Ukraine's improved position is not isolated. It is supported by concrete data. Commander-in-Chief of the Ukrainian Armed Forces, General Oleksandr Syrskyi, had reported in early June that for the month of May, the ratio of territory liberated versus territory lost was approximately 100 km² in favor of the Ukrainian Armed Forces. Since the start of 2026, Ukraine has liberated more than 600 km² of its national territory. These are not spectacular gains on a map. But they are real gains, achieved against a Russian army that enjoys overwhelming theoretical numerical superiority.
Rutte himself confirmed this reading at his press conference, in deliberately measured but significant terms. "When you look at the battlefield situation, Russia is not making advances at the moment, it seems, and you are doing well in the battle." He acknowledged that territorial recaptures are not massive. But he insisted on one key fact: Russian advances have been halted. After months when maps showed constant Russian pressure, the dynamic has changed. This change is not cosmetic — it is strategically decisive.
Logistics as a weapon of war
Ukrainian forces also reported that deep strikes against Russian logistics have produced a measurable effect: the number of daily Russian assaults on front lines has significantly decreased, according to Ukrainian General Staff reports. Destroying ammunition depots, rail junctions, refineries — such as the Moscow one that suspended operations after the June 18 strike — strips the Russian army of its operational fuel, in both the literal and figurative sense. Ukraine is not simply trying to hold the lines. It is trying to impose an unsustainable cost on the aggressor.
Occupied Crimea is a particularly telling example of this strategy. Euromaidan Press analysts note that Ukraine is progressively transforming the peninsula into an island, by methodically targeting the logistical infrastructures that connect Crimea to Russian supply lines. Repeated strikes on the peninsula's energy infrastructure — notably during the nights of June 19 and 20 — illustrate this systematic approach. Crimea was supposed to be the symbol of Russian invincibility since 2014. It is becoming a strategic burden for Moscow.
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Germany and Ukraine: A Historic Anti-Ballistic Agreement
Pistorius signs, and this is not trivial
Among Brussels's financial announcements, one agreement passed nearly unnoticed in some media — even though it may be one of the most important of the entire meeting. Ukraine and Germany signed a defense agreement covering the joint development of a new anti-ballistic air defense system. German Defense Minister Boris Pistorius and Ukrainian Minister Mykhailo Fedorov formalized this agreement before delegates. The system in question, designed to intercept Russian ballistic missiles — the Iskanders, the Kinzhals, all those weapons Putin brandishes as totems of technological superiority — would be the direct answer to Ukraine's most critical capability gap in air defense.
Zelensky was as direct as possible about Kyiv's expectations: "By this winter, we should already see concrete outcomes from our joint work on anti-ballistic defense." Winter is an operational deadline for belligerents. The Russians know that in winter, Ukrainian energy infrastructure becomes even more vulnerable. Having an operational anti-ballistic system before the next winter is not a political ambition. It is a survival necessity.
Berlin finally assumes its role as a security power
We must take a moment to appreciate what this agreement means on the German side. Germany, long perceived as the most hesitant ally in military support for Ukraine — "zu wenig, zu spät," too little too late, said its critics — is now co-chairing the Ramstein format and signing co-development technology agreements with Kyiv. Germany announced the same day a new aid package including a triple-digit number of air-to-air missiles drawn from its own stocks, a fourth 200-million-dollar contribution via the PURL mechanism, and an additional 200 million for PAC-3 Patriot missiles. This is no longer the same Germany that once hesitated to deliver helmets.
Fedorov separately signed a "very important document" with Pistorius covering data exchange for the Ukrainian anti-ballistic program. These techno-industrial architectures between nations are slow to establish, but they create lasting bonds. Ukraine and Germany are building together the future missile shield of central Europe. This is a silent revolution in the continent's geopolitics.
The United Kingdom: Frozen Russian Assets Turned into Ukrainian Drones
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An impeccable legal and moral logic
The British package announced at the summit deserves particular attention, not only for its scale — 752 million pounds sterling — but for its funding mechanism. The entirety of this package is financed by revenues generated from Russian sovereign assets immobilized in British financial institutions, under the "Extraordinary Revenue Acceleration" (ERA) loan of 2.26 billion pounds extended to Ukraine. In plain terms: the funds Russia accumulated, which were frozen following its aggression, are recycled into weapons to defend Ukraine against that same aggression. The circularity is almost perfect.
British Secretary of State for Defence Dan Jarvis presented this package as one of the most significant ever announced by London at a UDCG session. It includes 150,000 drones of Ukrainian manufacture — directly strengthening Kyiv's defense industrial base — and more than 350 air defense missiles, including LMMs and ground-based radar systems. The United Kingdom is also assuming command of the Ukraine Multinational Force headquarters, with British Brigadier General Tom Bateman taking up his post next month.
The British doctrine: arm and industrialize
What distinguishes the British package from a simple equipment list is its underlying philosophy. By funding Ukrainian-manufactured drones — rather than exporting British drones — London is directly investing in Ukraine's industrial war capacity. This approach, emerging among several allies, recognizes that Ukraine has developed unique expertise in combat drones, forging technologies that the Western world had not yet fully developed at the pace this war imposed. Funding Ukraine's defense industry is funding tomorrow's military innovation.
Ukraine has struck 24 of Russia's 33 major refineries since 2022, according to data compiled by United24 Media. These are not desperate acts. They are calculated strikes, part of an economic strategy aimed at depriving Russia's war machine of its energy resources. And the allies — with additional drone deliveries — are now giving Ukraine the means to intensify this pressure. Less Russian oil refined means less fuel for Putin's tanks, less revenue for the Kremlin's military budgets.
PURL, JUMPSTART and the New Architecture of Western Aid
When the Trump administration invents a model that works
Credit must be given where it is due. The PURL mechanism — Prioritized Ukraine Requirements List — is a creation of the Trump administration. Its principle: allow European allies and other partners to use America's defense industrial base to acquire critical military equipment destined for Ukraine. In other words, Washington holds the catalog, Europeans pay, and Ukraine receives. For an American president intent on seeing his allies contribute more to their own defense, this is an elegant mechanism that circumvents the domestic American political debate on military spending while keeping Ukraine supplied with modern armaments.
At the Brussels summit, the PURL set a record: more than one billion dollars in new contributions confirmed at a single UDCG meeting. Colby called it a "signature" example of concrete, results-oriented transatlantic cooperation. He is right. The JUMPSTART mechanism, which complements the PURL by enabling large-scale acquisitions via the American defense industry, creates a permanent supply chain between Washington and Ukrainian front lines, mediated by European budgets. This is the quiet engine that keeps Western support running.
The 9 countries that said yes to the billion
The list of the nine nations that formally joined the latest PURL round at the Brussels summit deserves to be named: Luxembourg, Lithuania, Latvia, Iceland, Australia, Norway, the Netherlands, Germany, and Sweden. This group is revealing. It includes unexpected players — Iceland, Australia, Luxembourg — and massive contributors such as Germany and the Netherlands. Australia, tens of thousands of kilometers from the front, funds Ukraine because it understands that what is happening in Eastern Europe also determines the global order in the Pacific. This demonstrates that solidarity in the face of aggression is not a European concept — it is a universal principle.
Norway deserves special mention. It allocated 190 million additional dollars for the purchase of long-range ammunition for the Ukrainian front's immediate needs. It is also financing the maintenance of Ukraine's F-16 fleet and launching a joint drone production project. This northern oil monarchy, whose military spending jumped 50% in 2025 to reach approximately 17 billion dollars, is becoming one of Ukraine's most substantial supporters. The Nordic monarchies of oil and cold know what it means to have Russia as a neighbor.
Long-Range Artillery and the Battle of Attrition
500 million to strike further
Beyond drones and interceptors, the Brussels summit was also marked by a massive collective commitment to long-range artillery. More than 500 million dollars were announced for this segment, with a preliminary contribution for systems capable of striking beyond 30 kilometers. These commitments come from Norway, Denmark, Spain, Lithuania, and Luxembourg. Zelensky specified that Ukraine would receive part of the long-range ammunition as early as June.
This priority given to long-range artillery is not a whim. It is dictated by front-line geometry. The attritional battles Ukraine is waging against Russian forces in the Donbas require fire suppression capability at sufficient distances to target Russian concentrations before they reach the lines. The further you strike, the more you disrupt logistics and assemblies before the assault. This is a proven tactical doctrine that Ukrainian commanders have adapted to the realities of a modern war hyper-personalized by reconnaissance drones.
The Czech initiative and Eastern-made munitions
Partners also reaffirmed their support for the Czech ammunition procurement initiative, which mobilizes global manufacturing sources to feed Ukrainian artillery. Zelensky thanked Norway, Denmark, Luxembourg, and Spain for their contributions to this program. Ukraine also launched a shared technical database with its allies — "deep technical data" on captured or neutralized Russian weapons — to allow partner countries' defense industries to better adapt their systems to Ukrainian battlefield realities. War is also a laboratory — and Ukraine has become the West's primary professor in it.
This shared intelligence on Russian weapons systems — their vulnerabilities, parameters, and weaknesses discovered under real combat conditions — is potentially one of the most valuable assets Ukraine brings to the alliance. Real-conditions analyses of Iskanders, Geran-2 drones, and T-90s in operational mode cannot be replicated in NATO laboratories. Ukraine is paying for this knowledge with its blood. Its allies should recognize this as a permanent debt.
China in the Background: Rutte Doesn't Pretend
Beijing training Russian soldiers — NATO knows
Amid discussions on Ukraine, Rutte inserted a warning that goes beyond the sole stakes of the Russo-Ukrainian conflict. Asked about reports that China had used its territory to train Russian military personnel, the NATO Secretary General responded without ambiguity: the Alliance "is not naive" on this subject. He confirmed that NATO is closely monitoring Chinese activities related to the war in Ukraine, including reports of training on Chinese soil. This is not a formal accusation. But it is a significant public statement from the leader of an organization that weighs its words carefully.
China is playing a balancing act. It avoids direct arms deliveries to Russia that would attract severe Western sanctions, but fuels its war economy through dual-use components, industrial goods, and possibly personnel training. Beijing is counting on a Russian victory or prolonged conflict to weaken the West and create a favorable precedent for its own ambitions over Taiwan. What Putin is doing in Ukraine, Xi is watching as an operational manual.
The Iran-North Korea connection: an axis of global destabilization
Russian support received from Iran — with Shahed drones continuing to strike Ukrainian targets — and from North Korea — whose soldiers, according to multiple corroborating reports, have been engaged on the front on the Russian side — illustrates how this conflict has become the laboratory of an anti-Western axis. These states are not supporting Russia out of strict ideological solidarity. They are supporting it because a Russia at war consumes the resources and attention of the West, delaying the moment when the latter could focus on their own aggressive agendas. This is a coalition of opportunists united by their hatred of the international liberal order.
The West — and Europe in particular — must understand that the war in Ukraine is not a bilateral Russo-Ukrainian conflict. It is the forward front of a systemic confrontation between two worldviews. One founded on rules, rights, and sovereignty. Another founded on force, fait accompli, and the right of the strongest. Every euro, every dollar invested in Ukraine's defense is an investment in the global stability of the order that the West spent decades building. This is not charity — it is enlightened self-interest.
Zelensky to Minsk: The Ultimatum to Lukashenko
One week to remove guidance equipment
In the hours following the Brussels summit, Zelensky's political agenda was not finished. On June 19, the Ukrainian president issued a formal ultimatum to Alexander Lukashenko's Belarus. He accused Minsk of facilitating Russian drone attacks on Ukraine by hosting on its territory communication equipment that helps guide strikes. The ultimatum: one week to remove this equipment — or Ukraine would act itself. "A week will be enough," said Zelensky.
This ultimatum illustrates the transformation of Ukrainian strategic behavior. Kyiv is no longer simply defending its territory and soliciting allies. It is formulating demands, setting deadlines, and making clear it possesses the capabilities to enforce them. Lukashenko's Belarus, vassalized by Moscow since the 2020 pro-democracy movement's suppression and the Putin rescue that followed, has become a military grey zone. Kyiv now refuses to turn a blind eye to its facilitator role.
Moscow in flames, the ultimate demonstration
That same June 18, Ukrainian drones had struck the Moscow-Kapotnya oil refinery, triggering a fire Russian media described as the most significant in the Moscow region in two years. The facility suspended processing operations for an indefinite period. The following day, a fresh wave of attacks again targeted the Moscow region. Moscow's airports were temporarily closed. The Russian capital, which Putin had presented as an inaccessible sanctuary, is no longer what it claimed to be. The war has reached Moscow. By Ukrainian means, built in Ukraine, piloted from Ukraine.
Zelensky called these strikes a "justified response" to Russian attacks on Ukrainian cities. Lavrov, furious, promised massive retaliation. This cycle — Russia strikes, Ukraine responds, Russia threatens — was supposed, according to initial pro-Russian analyst predictions, to stop quickly in the face of Russian superiority. It has not stopped. After more than four years, it is Ukraine that is striking at the heart of Russia, and not the other way around.
Trump, NATO, and the Question of the Ankara Summit
The July summit in Turkey as the next pivot
The Brussels summit was not the last event in this sequence. The next major moment is already taking shape: the NATO summit in Ankara, Turkey, in early July. Rutte confirmed that Zelensky will attend with a packed bilateral meeting agenda. He did note, however, that there will be no formal NATO-Ukraine Council session with all 32 leaders gathered — a diplomatic nuance that reflects persistent tensions over Ukraine's future status in the Alliance.
This summit will be a crucial test of Western cohesion. The ambiguities over Ukraine's NATO membership — officially supported "in principle" by members, but with no precise timeline — remain a source of frustration for Kyiv and a flaw exploited by Moscow in its messaging. Ukraine deserves a clear path toward the Alliance. Not vague promises paired with fuzzy conditions. Ankara will need to clarify this trajectory or risk sending a signal of hesitation at the worst possible moment.
Trump, necessary evil but not useless
It would be dishonest to analyze the Brussels sequence without naming the fundamental contradiction running through it. The Trump administration, represented by Colby, has played a positive and concrete role in sustaining support for Ukraine via the PURL and JUMPSTART mechanisms. It forced Europeans to assume their financial responsibilities. It enabled, through pressure, an unprecedented increase in European defense spending — more than 90 billion dollars in increases for Europeans and Canada alone in 2025, a 20% rise in one year. These figures are real and they are, in part, the product of Trumpian pressure.
But this same administration has sown doubt about its long-term intentions, has maintained parallel communication channels with Moscow, and its president continues to display an admiration for Putin that remains deeply troubling. Trump is, for pro-Ukraine Westerners, a necessary evil: he pushes in the right direction by accident of consistency, but his institutional reliability remains uncertain. The West cannot build its security on a single man who could change his mind with the next tide.
Conclusion: Ramstein 35, the Signal That the West Is Holding
What this meeting said about the alliance's resilience
The 35th meeting of the Ukraine Defense Contact Group will not go down in history as the meeting that changed everything. But it may well be the one that, in retrospect, confirmed the turning point. Four billion dollars in aid, a German-Ukrainian anti-ballistic agreement, the right to strike inside Russia officially validated by the NATO Secretary General, and a statement by a senior American official saying without equivocation that Ukraine has improved its position — this is a coherent, convergent, deeply encouraging picture.
The war is not won. It will not be won tomorrow. Ukrainian losses continue, as do Russian strikes. But the dynamic has changed. Ukraine is no longer in a position of surviving day by day — it is in a position to constrain the aggressor, to make it pay an escalating cost for its persistence, to prepare the conditions for a dignified and lasting peace. This is what Colby, Rutte, Zelensky, Fedorov, and the ground-level figures are all saying. This is not propaganda. It is a factual consensus.
What the future demands now
The immediate future demands that the West maintain this trajectory without wavering. It demands that weapons deliveries be honored on the promised timelines — not in six months, not "soon," but now. It demands that the Ankara summit produce concrete commitments on Ukraine's eventual NATO membership, not statements of principle without a timeline. It demands that frozen Russian assets be fully confiscated and redirected toward Ukrainian reconstruction, not merely their revenues. And it demands, above all, that Western democracies look squarely at what they are truly defending: a world order founded on sovereignty, human rights, and the refusal of impunity for aggressors. Ukraine is defending that order. With its blood. With its drones. With its upright presence at every negotiating table.
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Cite this article
Maxime Marquette (2026). COLUMN: Ramstein Holds — Colby, Rutte, and the Ukraine That Changes Everything. MadMax. https://mad-max.co/en/article/chronique-ramstein-tient-bon-colby-rutte-et-lukraine-qui-change-la-donne
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