REPORT: Zelensky in Brussels, the diplomatic battle to keep Trump in Kyiv's camp

Introduction: Brussels, last line of diplomatic defense

A president in perpetual motion

In the span of four days, Volodymyr Zelensky crossed half of Europe. Évian-les-Bains for the G7 from June 15 to 17, 2026, Brussels for the Ramstein summit on June 18, and the European Council on June 18 and 19, 2026: the Ukrainian president accumulated appointments with a barely concealed urgency. Every trip was an opportunity to convince, to charm, to remind the world that Ukraine was still standing — and that it could not stand alone.

What Zelensky was looking for in those carpeted corridors was one precise and difficult thing to obtain: keeping Donald Trump in Kyiv's camp. Not necessarily an enthusiastic Trump, not a Trump fighting for Ukraine with the fervor of an ideological ally. No — just a Trump who does not turn off the taps, who does not hand Putin a separate deal, who agrees to stay in the game. A necessary evil, as European advisers say in private, but one whose absence would be catastrophic.

The busiest week of the summer

The schedule for this week of June 2026 resembled a battle plan. The G7 in Évian concluded on June 17 with a joint communiqué affirming "unwavering support for Ukraine in the defense of its freedom, sovereignty, and territorial integrity." A sentence the Europeans had extracted through great effort. Trump signed it. For Zelensky, it was already a partial victory, even if no concrete additional deliveries were attached.

The very next day, on June 18, Zelensky was in Brussels for the Ramstein format, the group of more than fifty nations coordinating military aid to Ukraine. Then, without pause, he remained in place for the European Council. Welcomed with great ceremony by presidents António Costa and Ursula von der Leyen, he addressed the twenty-seven heads of state and government of the European Union. The symbolism was powerful: this was his first visit to Brussels since Viktor Orbán, his most virulent opponent within the EU, had been ejected from power in Budapest.

The Évian G7: Trump signs, but commits nothing concrete

The Trump-Zelensky meeting: thirty minutes that matter

The central moment of the Évian G7 was not the final communiqué or the podium speeches. It was a trilateral meeting of roughly thirty minutes between Zelensky, Trump, and French President Emmanuel Macron, held on June 16, 2026. According to the Kyiv Independent, it was their first in-person meeting in four months. The meeting was organized on short notice — it was not initially on the official program — and it delayed the start of the expanded summit. Trump described the exchange as "very good."

Zelensky used those thirty minutes for one single objective: demonstrating that Ukraine was not losing. He insisted on recent Ukrainian strategic gains on the battlefield. He asked Trump to act not as a neutral messenger between Kyiv and Moscow, but as a mediator favoring Ukraine. According to the Guardian, Zelensky told Trump: "I believe that Donald Trump can accomplish this — essentially on his own." A calculated flattery, but sincere in its logic: if Trump is convinced that he can "win" by making Putin blink, then Trump has an interest in remaining on Ukraine's side.

The tone changes, the actions remain vague

German Chancellor Friedrich Merz hailed it as "the first time ever that President Trump adopts common language on our greatest challenges — a real success." Macron agreed, calling Zelensky's participation in the G7 a step allowing "for the first time to identify important points of agreement." These declarations reflect the genuine relief of Europeans, exhausted by months of transatlantic dissonance.

But the Kyiv Independent was candid in its analysis: Zelensky left Évian without much concrete. The joint communiqué committed to "accelerating" air defense deliveries, "strengthening" sanctions, and "supporting" Ukrainian energy infrastructure — without figures, without timelines, without naming specific systems. The European Commission recalled that the EU had covered two-thirds of Ukraine's budgetary needs via a 90 billion euro loan through end-2027, but that a third was still missing — approximately 52 billion dollars — which G7 partners were struggling to fill.

Missile licenses: the most concrete breakthrough

A request pushed for months

Amid the fog of the G7, one advance stands out. On June 21, 2026, in an interview cited by the Kyiv Independent, Zelensky announced: "President Trump plans to ask American defense companies to manufacture missiles for air defense systems under license in Europe and in Ukraine." This is a sentence worth reading twice. Not "Trump granted," not "Trump signed" — but "Trump plans to ask." An important nuance. This remains an intention, but it is the first time the American team responded positively to this specific request.

The context of this demand is crucial. On May 27, 2026, Zelensky had sent a personal letter to Trump, warning of a critical shortage of anti-missile systems. Zelensky wrote: "When it comes to defending against ballistic missiles, we rely almost exclusively on the United States." The dependency is total, and the Patriot system remains the pillar of Ukrainian anti-ballistic defense. Yet Ukrainians assert they have all the technical capabilities to manufacture Patriot missiles themselves — they lack only the American licenses.

The Ramstein summit amplifies the pressure

On June 18 in Brussels, at the Ramstein format, Zelensky spelled out the stakes before representatives of more than fifty allied nations: "Putin now bets on a single thing: constant missile attacks. He has ballistic missiles. We need anti-ballistic capabilities." He added: "By this winter, we should already see concrete results from our joint work on anti-ballistic defense." That same day, Kyiv and Berlin signed agreements covering the development of joint anti-ballistic capabilities and the joint production of Termit robotic ground systems in Germany. Belgium also confirmed it would deliver seven F-16 fighters to Ukraine by end of 2026.

These concrete bilateral commitments, obtained on the sidelines of Ramstein, illustrate a reality Zelensky masters well: when the multilateral level hits American hesitations, bilateral European agreements advance. The alliance of support for Ukraine fragments into networks of individual commitments — less spectacular than a global agreement, but just as effective on the ground.

Brussels: the triumphant welcome and the disappointed hopes on membership

The symbolic walk of three presidents

On June 18, 2026, upon his arrival at the European Council building in Brussels, Volodymyr Zelensky was received with a highly symbolic scene: presidents António Costa and Ursula von der Leyen joined him for a "walk of three," photographed and broadcast around the world. This was not mere protocol — it was a message addressed to Putin, according to EU News: "While Russia is not advancing, the West is always advancing further East." Costa declared: "All 27 member states are united in their support for Ukraine."

This restored unity is not insignificant. It reflects the end of an era: that of the Hungarian veto. Since Péter Magyar replaced Viktor Orbán at the head of the Hungarian government, the conclusions of the European Council can once again be adopted unanimously. On June 15, 2026, two days before the summit, the EU had formally opened accession negotiations with Ukraine — the first "Fundamentals" cluster, covering the rule of law, democratic institutions, and the fight against corruption. Costa called it a "historic week for Ukraine."

Zelensky wants acceleration, Europe temporizes

But Zelensky himself wanted more. In his speech before the European Council on June 18, 2026, he pleaded for the opening of the five remaining clusters "as soon as possible" and even evoked an "accelerated accession path" — a concept he presented with measured self-deprecation: "I know not everyone likes it, but sorry, I already wrote it, so I'm going to say it." He added that "every democratic nation of Europe deserves to be a full member of the EU" and that Ukraine "has paid more than any other country for its right to be free, independent, and European."

The summit conclusions remained vague. The final text "looks forward to the opening of the other clusters, in line with the merit-based approach" — a formulation drawing back from the draft conclusions that had foreseen an opening "as soon as possible." Von der Leyen nonetheless expressed hope to "open other clusters during the summer," evoking a possible "Terrific Tuesday" on July 14, 2026. Magyar, the new Hungarian Prime Minister, had in the meantime had all references to an accelerated timeline removed — showing that while Orbán is gone, the Hungarian brake has not entirely disappeared.

The Zelensky strategy: flattering Trump without submitting

A balancing act on a tightrope

Throughout this diplomatic week, Zelensky had to navigate an extremely delicate line: flattering Trump without giving him the impression that Ukraine owes everything to him, valuing the American role without diminishing that of the Europeans, suggesting that peace is possible without appearing weak before Moscow. It is a balancing act that few leaders could sustain with as much consistency.

The key to his strategy is to present Trump as the man with the solution, not as an obstacle. By publicly saying that Trump "can accomplish this, essentially on his own," Zelensky offers the American president what he craves: the posture of savior, of deal-maker, of someone who can do what no one else can. At the same time, he reminds Trump that Putin "is not advancing" and is "losing a great many soldiers" — which implicitly means the moment is favorable for decisive American pressure, and that Trump can "win" by holding firm.

The question of American neutrality

Trump has presented himself since the beginning of his term as a "neutral mediator" between Kyiv and Moscow. Yet Zelensky categorically refuses this posture. He asks Trump to act in favor of Ukraine, not equidistance. According to the Guardian, Zelensky used the G7 meeting to convince Trump that Ukraine "was not retreating on the battlefield" and that Washington should act as a "mediator supporting Ukraine rather than simply relaying messages." This is a fundamental distinction: a neutral mediator can propose Ukrainian territorial concessions, which Zelensky absolutely refuses.

Trump seemed receptive, at least in the moment. He declared to journalists after their meeting: "Look, Russia should make a deal. I'll do everything I can." This is not a blank check for Ukraine, but it is a signal that the American president is not preparing a Ukrainian capitulation disguised as a "peace deal." For now.

European allies: Merz, Macron, Starmer and the Western concert

The E3 trio in marching order

One of the most important dynamics of this diplomatic week is the restored solidarity of the E3 trio: France, Germany, the United Kingdom. These three European powers coordinated to push Trump toward strengthening his support for Ukraine, while claiming a seat at the table in any future peace negotiation. Macron was explicit: "The right negotiation is one where Ukraine and Russia are present at the table, alongside Europeans and Americans." The message to Washington is clear: Europe will not be excluded from the talks.

Merz, for his part, welcomed the G7 with measured but real enthusiasm, insisting on "a new tone in transatlantic unity." His presence and commitment stand in contrast to doubts about European cohesion in recent years. In Brussels, discussions between Zelensky and Merz focused on defense support and industrial co-production agreements, notably the Termit systems deal. The German-Ukrainian relationship, long marked by Berlin's hesitations under Scholz, seems to have found a new rhythm under Chancellor Merz.

Allies who are holding nonetheless

Zelensky also met Donald Tusk, Poland's Prime Minister, in Brussels, to discuss European integration and the challenges of Russian aggression. He also held talks with the Greek, Slovak, and Polish Prime Ministers on the sidelines of the European Council. Every bilateral meeting adds another thread to the web of political support. Even Péter Magyar, the new Hungarian Prime Minister, had a "brief conversation" with Zelensky in the summit hall — a sign that the Kyiv-Budapest relationship, long frozen under Orbán, can warm up.

Canada under Prime Minister Mark Carney imposed at the G7 new sanctions against 162 Russian individuals, entities, and vessels. G7 leaders also agreed to intensify sanctions against Russia's energy sector — gas and oil. The EU, for its part, is preparing its 21st sanctions package. In Brussels, the European Council did something historic: it decided to extend sectoral sanctions against Russia for 12 months instead of the usual six — "the first time such a decision has been taken," according to Costa's spokesperson.

The Russian threat at the heart of the debates: ballistic missiles and civilian attacks

Kyiv under bombs during the summits

While Zelensky was negotiating in Évian and Brussels, Russia continued to strike. On June 15, 2026, the eve of the G7, Russian missiles hit the Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra — the main cathedral of this iconic 11th-century monastery, a major spiritual site of Ukraine. A deliberate attack on a cultural and religious site that provoked international outrage. It was in this context that Zelensky was pleading at Évian for more air defense.

On the night of June 20, Russian forces launched a missile attack on the city of Poltava, killing two people and wounding fourteen others — including six children. These attacks illustrate the cruel paradox in which Ukraine lives: its leaders are at the highest level of global diplomatic relations while its civilians die in nocturnal strikes. Zelensky warned from Brussels that Putin would "intensify missile and drone strikes" and called on Ukrainians to "use shelters."

The Ukrainian response: striking at Moscow's heart

Ukraine did not remain passive. On the night of June 18, Ukrainian drones struck the Moscow oil refinery, in the Kapotnya district, approximately fifteen kilometers from the Kremlin — the largest attack on the Russian capital since the start of the full-scale war, according to Russian authorities themselves. Zelensky commented on the operation at the G7: "All G7 members were aware of our operation in Moscow Oblast, had seen the results, and supported Ukraine's absolutely justified and appropriate responses."

This attack is consistent with the logic Zelensky has articulated for months: Ukraine's long-range weapons are "a crucial element of pressure" on Putin. By striking the refineries fueling the Russian war machine, Ukraine seeks to raise the cost of the war for Moscow. And by obtaining tacit G7 support for these operations, Zelensky validates his deep-strike strategy among his allies.

EU accession: between hope and bureaucracy

The first cluster, at last

On June 15, 2026, two days before the end of the G7 and three days before the European Council, the European Union formally opened accession negotiations with Ukraine on the first "Fundamentals" cluster. This cluster covers the rule of law, judicial independence, media pluralism, separation of powers, and the fight against corruption. For Ukraine, this is a major step forward — and recognition that its reforms are bearing fruit even in wartime.

Von der Leyen had declared on June 12: "We are going to open the cluster on fundamentals — the central pillar of the accession process. It covers the basic values and principles on which the EU is built, from the rule of law to strong democratic institutions." This opening was made possible by an agreement between Kyiv and Budapest on the rights of the Hungarian minority in Ukraine — a problem that had paralyzed the process for years. The Magyar-Zelensky agreement therefore constitutes a bilateral diplomatic breakthrough with major European consequences.

The objective: six clusters opened before summer's end

In Brussels, Zelensky was explicit: he wants the five remaining clusters opened "within the next few weeks." The European Commission considers all six clusters technically ready since 2025 and notes that the technical preparation work has been under way since March 2026. Von der Leyen evoked a "Terrific Tuesday" on July 14, when all clusters could theoretically be opened at the General Affairs Council.

But political reality complicates matters. Magyar had the precise calendar removed from the final text, insisting on "the merit-based approach." The Baltic states — Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania — are pushing for maximum acceleration. Cyprus said it was ready to open all clusters if all 27 members agreed. Merz, for his part, put the brakes on: "These steps take time." The European consensus on pace remains fragmented, even if the direction is clear.

The war budget: a 52 billion gap and the race against time

The impossible financial equation

During G7 discussions, President Von der Leyen publicly recalled that the EU has covered, via a 90 billion euro loan, two-thirds of Ukraine's financial needs through end-2027. But the remaining third represents a 52 billion dollar gap that G7 allies are struggling to fill. This subject was addressed during the three hours of Ukraine discussions on June 16 — but according to the Kyiv Independent, it generated no additional concrete commitments from the leaders and did not figure in the final communiqué.

Zelensky asked the European Council for the release of the first tranche of the EU financial support package for defense. He also called for the use of the 6 billion euros from the European Peace Facility. Von der Leyen assured that payments scheduled for the following year could be advanced if necessary. A partial relief, but one that does not resolve the question of long-term financing of Ukrainian defense — a challenge that Zelensky described as "long-term financial guarantees for the Ukrainian army."

The winter package strategy

With chilling clarity, Zelensky expressed from Brussels the dual logic of his strategy: "We want to end this war before winter — through diplomacy and pressure on Russia. But we understand who we are dealing with. Putin is war." He therefore simultaneously sought the conditions for a negotiated peace AND assembled a contingency plan if the war continued: a "winter package" comprising gas, diesel, energy equipment, and at least 300 additional missiles.

This dual logic is not contradiction — it is military-diplomatic planning. Ukraine cannot afford to bet everything on diplomacy and find itself without ammunition if it fails. Nor can it be so bellicose that it alienates the allies seeking a negotiated exit. Zelensky walks this line every day, in precarious equilibrium between the necessity of arms and the promise of dialogue.

Putin on the sidelines: Russia absent from summits but present in the bombs

Moscow watches, bombs, sneers

While Zelensky was going from summit to summit, Vladimir Putin responded to no invitations. Zelensky had suggested that the Russian president attend the G7 himself for direct talks — Moscow did not respond. Putin's special envoy, Kirill Dmitriev, made himself heard on social media criticizing the Europeans throughout the summit, notably mocking the political situation of former British Prime Minister Keir Starmer. This is Moscow's habitual posture: ignoring multilateral forums while seeking to destabilize them through information operations.

The Kremlin reacted to G7 discussions with a predictable formula: its spokespeople declared that the Europeans had probably "stuffed Trump with harmful ideas" during the summit. This attempt to sow discord between the United States and its European allies is a constant of Russian diplomacy — and it is precisely what Zelensky seeks to counter by maintaining a Kyiv-Washington-Europe cohesion as visible as possible.

The economic war intensifies

Beyond the bombs, the pressure on the Russian economy is intensifying. The G7 reached consensus on strengthening sanctions against Russian oil and gas sectors. The Iranian deal signed in parallel stabilized global energy markets, which creates a window of opportunity to tighten sanctions on Russian oil without causing a price shock for Western economies. The EU is preparing its 21st package, whose measures notably target the ghost fleet of Russian tankers circumventing existing sanctions.

Zelensky himself pushed his partners to act on this front: "Europe must fully engage on sanctions without loopholes, on confiscation without exceptions, and on financing Ukraine." The phrase summarizes his doctrine: economic pressure and military force are the two legs of the same strategy. Depriving Putin of oil revenues means reducing his capacity to fund the missiles falling on Poltava and Kyiv.

The NATO Ankara summit in the crosshairs

Rutte as strategic relay

On June 17, after the G7, Zelensky met with NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte in Brussels to review the results of the Évian summit. Zelensky emphasized the importance of the upcoming NATO summit in Ankara and thanked Rutte for his support, committing to making this summit "productive for the defense of Ukraine." The priority he identified: strengthening Ukrainian defense capabilities and securing American licenses for the production of air defense systems.

NATO remains a sensitive subject for Ukraine. Formal membership is excluded in the short term — allies do not want to trigger Article 5 of an alliance that would immediately be at war with Russia. But Zelensky continues to advocate for progressive integration, concrete security guarantees, and full interoperability with Alliance forces. The Ankara summit will be another opportunity to advance these files.

Kyiv's voice in global forums

What is striking about Zelensky's tour of this week of June is the breadth of the forums to which he was invited. G7, Ramstein, European Council, bilateral meetings with Merz, Tusk, the King of the Belgians, the NATO Secretary General — Ukraine is no longer a client state waiting at the door. It is a central actor in European security, whose voice carries weight in the deliberations of the world's most powerful organizations. This is a considerable diplomatic achievement, built not on the wealth or size of the country, but on its resilience and the quality of its leadership.

Zelensky also addressed with the European Council the question of the Ukraine Recovery Conference in Gdansk, approaching — a meeting dedicated to the country's reconstruction. These reconstruction meetings, running parallel to military discussions, sketch a horizon: Ukraine winning the war and rebuilding. A necessary message of hope to maintain domestic morale and external engagement.

Internal Western fractures: JD Vance and the voices of doubt

Vance, the dissonant

Not everyone in the American camp is singing the same song. Vice President JD Vance reportedly repeated several times, according to the Guardian, that Ukraine was "destined to lose" due to Russia's superior recruitment capabilities. Vance embodies the isolationist wing of the MAGA movement that considers the Ukrainian conflict foreign to American interests. His presence at the summit, even if discrete, is a reminder that the Washington consensus on Ukraine is fragile and could quickly shift if Trump changed course.

These voices of doubt did not disappear with the signing of the G7 communiqué. They were temporarily silenced — or rather, integrated into the mechanics of the Trump presidency, where the final decision belongs to a single man whose moods fluctuate. This is precisely why Zelensky cultivates so carefully the personal relationship with Trump, beyond institutions and advisers. He knows that in the current political architecture of Washington, Trump is simultaneously the threat and the shield.

Europe facing its own divisions

Within the EU, divergences remain real. Magyar blocked an accelerated timeline for Ukrainian accession in the name of Hungarian interests. Merz is applying the brakes on the pace of cluster openings. Debates about who should represent Europe in potential future peace talks have not concluded — Finnish President Alexander Stubb declined a possible role as special envoy, judging that the mission "should be led by major powers, namely France, Germany, and the United Kingdom." High Representative Kaja Kallas continues working on a common European position, but consensus remains fragmented.

These divisions have not weakened concrete support for Ukraine at this stage — weapons keep arriving, sanctions are tightening, bilateral agreements are being signed. But they create uncertainty about Europe's ability to speak with one voice in any eventual peace negotiation. And in this context, Trump's role as ultimate arbiter — whether desired or not — is correspondingly reinforced.

Ukraine holds on the ground: military assets and persistent pressures

Strategic gains, not a victory

Alongside all the diplomacy, the military reality remains Zelensky's central argument. Ukraine has made "strategic gains on the battlefield in recent months," according to the Kyiv Independent. These advances changed the nature of the discourse: Zelensky no longer speaks of avoiding defeat — he speaks of negotiating from a position of strength. German government sources supported this reading, affirming that "Kyiv is now negotiating from a position of strength" and that "Russia cannot secure a battlefield victory and is under economic pressure."

This is an important narrative reversal. For months, certain Western commentators spoke of an "exhausted" Ukraine that would have to accept a territorial deal. Today, the dominant discourse in European capitals is different: Ukraine is holding, Russia is suffering, and pressure must be maintained to bring Putin to negotiate seriously. This shift in tone — which Merz welcomed as "a recognition by Trump that things have truly changed in Ukraine" — is a narrative victory for Zelensky.

The battle of the coming winter

But Zelensky is also preparing the dark scenario. If the war continues until winter 2026–2027, Ukraine will need a massive "winter package": 300 missiles minimum, gas, diesel, energy equipment. Zelensky had already warned in 2024 that Russia would systematically target energy infrastructure to break popular resistance. In 2026, with the experience of two winters of war under extreme conditions, he is now building the coalitions necessary for his country's survival this winter.

This is also why American missile manufacturing licenses take on critical importance. If Ukraine can manufacture its own missiles for Patriot systems, it is no longer dependent on transatlantic delivery timelines. It can build up its own stockpiles. It can defend its cities without depending on the goodwill of a single American administration whose positions evolve with electoral cycles. It is a question of long-term strategic survival.

Conclusion: Brussels as symbol of a partial but real victory

What Zelensky gained

In the balance of this intense week, Zelensky departs with concrete advances: the opening of the first EU accession cluster, a joint G7 declaration of support for Ukraine signed by Trump, an unprecedented American commitment to exploring missile manufacturing licenses for Ukraine, bilateral German-Ukrainian agreements on anti-ballistic defense, the Belgian promise of seven F-16s, and a historic extension of anti-Russian sanctions to twelve months. This is not nothing. In the shifting geography of Western support, these stones placed count.

The first visit to Brussels since Orbán's fall also carries strong symbolic dimension. Ukraine finds a united Europe — not unanimous on everything, not as fast as Kyiv would wish, but united in principle. And in this critical period where the temptation of the Trumpian "deal" hovers over every meeting, maintaining this unity is a political objective in itself that Zelensky served with talent this week.

What remains to be won

But the unresolved challenges are immense. The 52 billion dollar budget gap is not filled. NATO membership is not on the agenda. The timeline for opening the five remaining clusters is not fixed. Peace talks have no agreed format. And Trump — the central pivot of all Ukrainian diplomatic strategy — remains an unpredictable actor whose support today is not guaranteed tomorrow. Zelensky knows this. That is why he never stops. The next step is already planned, the next speech already prepared, the next summit already in his agenda — perhaps Ankara, perhaps Gdansk, perhaps both.

Signed Maxime Marquette, columnist

Sources

Primary sources

Kyiv Independent — Trump plans to ask U.S. defense companies to produce missiles under license in Ukraine — June 21, 2026

Kyiv Independent — Zelensky attends Ramstein summit in Belgium, anti-ballistic cooperation — June 18, 2026

Ukrinform — EU leaders extend sanctions against Russia for 12 months — June 19, 2026

Secondary sources

The Guardian — European leaders urge Trump to host Zelensky-Putin talks — June 16, 2026

Kyiv Independent — G7 leaders push Trump to change tone on Ukraine, actions still pending — June 17, 2026

Ukrinform — Zelensky and Tusk discuss European integration in Brussels — June 19, 2026

Ukrainska Pravda — Zelensky meets with Hungarian PM Magyar at EU summit — June 19, 2026

Kyiv Independent — EU leaders push bloc to assert itself in Russia peace talks — June 18, 2026