EDITORIAL: European digital sovereignty — the Franco-German paper arrives late, but it matters

The June 17, 2026 document and what it represents

On June 17, 2026, France and Germany co-signed a joint document titled the Franco-German Joint Paper on Digital Sovereignty — a policy text intended to provide impetus and direction to future legislative discussions at the level of the European Union. The document calls for a strengthening of European digital sovereignty in the face of critical dependencies on technologies, infrastructure, and data controlled by external actors — primarily the American GAFAM and Chinese platforms.

The document identifies critical dependencies across the entire technology stack: from semiconductors to artificial intelligence, covering software, data, and cloud infrastructure. It asserts that each member state's digital sovereignty is inextricably linked to Europe's digital sovereignty as a whole — a belated but welcome acknowledgment of a reality that cybersecurity and geopolitical technology experts have been repeating for at least a decade.

The paradox: a necessary initiative against a backdrop of ignored urgency

This document arrives in a context of characterized urgency. In 2026, three-quarters of European data transits through or is stored on servers controlled by American companies subject to the US CLOUD Act — which allows American authorities to access it under certain legal conditions. Dependence on Taiwanese and Korean microchips is total for critical sectors. The dominant language models powering European AI are mostly developed in the United States or China. Europe is, in digital terms, a colonized continent.

And yet, faced with this documented urgency, the Franco-German response is a policy document — not a law, not a budget, not a binding industrial program. It is an orientation. A political signal. A framework. It is better than nothing, but honesty requires saying what it is and what it is not.

I have been reading European policy documents long enough to recognize the pattern: beautiful rhetoric about urgency, a correct diagnosis of the problem, "measures" that are actually calls for future negotiations, and a roadmap with milestones vague enough that no government is ever held accountable. I hope to be wrong this time. But hope is not a strategy.

The strengths of the text: a common framework finally articulated

The main merit of the document is to articulate a common Franco-German framework for what digital sovereignty means — a notion that, despite its increasing use in European political discourse, remained vague and interpreted differently by Berlin and Paris. The text establishes that digital sovereignty is not protectionism or isolationism — Europe continues to cooperate with trusted partners that respect human rights, democratic principles, and data protection standards.

This distinction matters: it makes it possible to defend a digital sovereignty policy without falling into the trap of insularity or technological autarky, which would be as economically catastrophic as it is naive. Europe cannot — and should not — develop its entire technology stack in-house. It can, however, define which dependencies are acceptable and which are unacceptable from a strategic standpoint.

What the text carefully avoids: naming the GAFAM

The Franco-German document never names Google, Apple, Meta, Amazon, or Microsoft. It speaks of dependencies on actors from third countries, of the need to reduce exposure to extraterritorial legislation — a transparent allusion to the American CLOUD Act — and of the importance of developing European alternatives. But it carefully avoids naming American allies as part of the problem.

This diplomatic caution is understandable in the context of the transatlantic relationship strained by the Trump administration, but it limits the clarity of the message. If Europe wants genuine digital sovereignty, it must be capable of explicitly stating that its dependence on American hyperscalers — even friendly ones — constitutes a strategic risk that commercial interests alone cannot resolve.

There is something fairly pathetic about watching Europe produce a document on digital strategic autonomy while carefully never naming Google or AWS. It is like writing a smoking prevention manual without ever mentioning cigarettes. Diplomatic politeness should not be an excuse for strategic euphemism.

The asymmetric dual threat

Europe faces an asymmetric dual technological dependency. On one side, the American GAFAM dominate cloud, operating systems, search engines, social networks, and AI models. These companies operate within the American legal framework, are subject to American government surveillance demands, and orient their development according to their commercial interests — not according to Europe's strategic needs. On the other side, Chinese platforms — TikTok, Temu, Huawei — are penetrating the European market with risks of data transfer to an authoritarian state explicitly hostile to EU values.

These two threats are not equivalent. Dependence on the GAFAM is a sovereignty problem and a potential vulnerability vis-à-vis an ally that can, under certain legal conditions, access sensitive European data. Dependence on Chinese platforms is a more direct threat: it implies data transfer to a state whose official doctrine uses information as a geopolitical weapon. But both deserve a robust regulatory and industrial response.

The DSA, the DMA, and their limits against the strategic stakes

Europe has produced notable regulations: the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), the Digital Services Act (DSA), and the Digital Markets Act (DMA). These texts established important rules on data protection, combating digital monopolies, and content moderation. They imposed billions of euros in fines on tech giants that failed to comply.

But regulating is not building. Fining Google or Meta does not create a viable European competitor. Banning certain practices of Chinese platforms does not develop a European AI or cloud industry. Regulation is necessary but insufficient. What is missing is a deliberate industrial policy, funded at the appropriate scale, and coordinated at the European level — not a patchwork of national regulations.

Europe excels at regulation and struggles at strategic industrial investment. It is the world champion of tech fines and nearly absent from the AI investment podium. You cannot replace industrial dominance with legal compliance. Digital sovereignty is not legislated — it is built, brick by brick, with billions of euros and a decade-long vision.

The abyss between declared ambitions and real funding

The Franco-German document calls for massive investment in strategic technologies. It does not specify the amount. For context: Amazon Web Services alone invested approximately $100 billion per year in its global infrastructure in 2025. China has invested hundreds of billions in its AI and semiconductor sectors. The Horizon Europe program for research and innovation has a budget of approximately 95 billion euros over 7 years — a useful amount but nowhere near commensurate with the stakes.

The European CHIPS Act aims to double Europe's chip market share to 20% by 2030. This is a reasonable target, but it remains far from sovereignty in a sector where dependency is total. Taiwan's TSMC and Korea's Samsung dominate an industry on which every sector of the modern economy depends absolutely — automotive, defense, healthcare, finance. A disruption in this supply chain would be catastrophic.

National fragmentation as a structural obstacle

One of the major obstacles to European digital sovereignty is the fragmentation of national markets and industrial strategies. France and Germany each have their own national champions, industrial preferences, and regulatory approaches. Building a sovereign European cloud, a world-class European AI model, or a competitive semiconductor industry requires an economic integration far superior to what current economic nationalisms allow.

The Gaia-X project — launched with enthusiasm in 2019 as a sovereign European cloud infrastructure — is the tragic illustration: bogged down in disputes between member states, endless technical discussions, and compromises that diluted its initial ambition, it has not produced a credible alternative to American hyperscalers. The Franco-German initiative must avoid repeating this pattern.

Gaia-X was supposed to be Europe's equivalent of AWS. It became a discussion forum. This is not a lack of intelligence or technical skills among Europeans — it is a deficit of political will and tolerance for industrial risk. Building a European tech champion requires accepting that some projects will fail, investing despite uncertainty, and resisting GAFAM lobbying, which knows exactly how to transform European fragmentation into a permanent extension of its own dominance.

TikTok, Temu, and the question of European data

TikTok has more than 150 million active users in Europe. Temu, the e-commerce platform owned by PDD Holdings, has become within two years one of the leading online retail platforms on the continent. Shein dresses a significant proportion of young Europeans. These platforms collect behavioral, location, and preference data on hundreds of millions of European citizens and transfer it under a Chinese legal framework that allows the state to access it without GDPR guarantees.

The Digital Services Act imposes transparency obligations on very large online platforms, including TikTok. The European Commission has opened formal proceedings against several of these actors. But legal timelines are long, the Commission's resources are limited, and the attractiveness of these platforms for European users remains strong. Regulating is not enough here either.

The urgency of critical infrastructure

Beyond consumer-facing platforms, the question of critical infrastructure is even more urgent. Huawei equipment is present in several European telecommunications networks, despite the European Commission's recommendations to reduce its presence in 5G networks. Submarine cables carrying a significant fraction of European internet traffic have landing points in areas where Russian or Chinese actors could theoretically exert influence.

These infrastructure vulnerabilities are not resolved by a Franco-German policy document. They require concrete investment in alternatives, regular security audits, and coordination between member states on minimum standards for critical network equipment — far more concrete and far less visible work than sweeping declarations of digital sovereignty.

What I want to see in the next six months: a dedicated European budget of 50 billion euros for digital sovereignty, a credible exit plan for Huawei equipment in the 5G networks of lagging member states, and a Franco-German commitment to buying European AI for their public administrations before buying American. Actions, not papers.

Why artificial intelligence is at the heart of digital sovereignty

Digital sovereignty is often presented as a question of infrastructure — servers, cables, data. But in 2026, the most critical dimension is that of artificial intelligence. The generative AI models that analyze government communications, process citizens' medical records, guide judicial and military decisions — if these models are developed and hosted by American companies subject to American law (CLOUD Act), Europe has lost a fundamental dimension of its sovereignty without even realizing it.

The Franco-German document of June 17, 2026 addresses this dimension, but in a manner insufficiently operational. It identifies the problem without proposing concrete solutions commensurate with the urgency. Both Berlin and Paris use ChatGPT, Copilot, or Claude in their public administrations. As long as this continues, the fine speeches about digital sovereignty will remain rhetoric without grip on the reality of dependency.

Existing European alternatives and their real potential

European alternatives to ChatGPT do exist: Mistral AI in France, Aleph Alpha in Germany, Silo AI in Finland. These players have demonstrated their technical capability. What they lack is the critical mass of institutional public users that would generate the revenue needed to rival the massive investments of Microsoft, Google, and Anthropic. The virtuous cycle does not kick in because European governments continue choosing American convenience over supporting their own champions.

An explicit commitment by French and German public administrations to use European AI models for their non-classified applications would be more concrete than any policy document. It is not a question of economic patriotism — it is a question of consistency between declared values and actual practices.

What I am waiting for impatiently — and what I have yet to see — is a European government that publicly announces: "We are migrating all our administrations to European AI models by 2027." That would be a more powerful signal than a hundred policy documents. That would be putting money where the mouth is. That would be real digital sovereignty, not rhetorical.

GDPR: A beginning, not an end

The General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) is Europe's most significant contribution to global personal data governance. It established a standard that even American companies had to partially adopt to access the European market. This is a real achievement. But it is not sufficient against the reality of transatlantic data flows that continue to operate under the Privacy Shield regime and its successors — arrangements that have shown their limits against American surveillance legislation.

The Franco-German document implicitly acknowledges this limit by calling for sovereign data spaces. But the technology to create these spaces while maintaining the interoperability necessary for international commerce is not yet mature. This is a first-order technical and political challenge, on which Europe needs not only political will but massive research and development investment — investment that the document does not quantify.

European citizens as both the stakes and the lever

Digital sovereignty is not only a matter for states and companies. The 450 million European citizens whose data is collected, analyzed, and monetized are at the heart of the issue. A citizen whose health is managed by American software, whose movements are tracked by Chinese apps, whose communications transit through Californian servers — that citizen has no real digital sovereignty, regardless of the policy documents their governments sign.

Raising public awareness and mobilizing citizens around these issues is a dimension nearly absent from the Franco-German document. European peoples must understand why choosing a European search engine, a European cloud, a European encrypted messaging app is not naive techno-nationalism — it is a concrete political act in favor of collective digital freedom. Without this civic dimension, digital sovereignty will remain a technocrats' affair discussed at conferences with no impact on daily reality.

I am a citizen of a democracy whose institutions use foreign software to manage my daily life — my taxes, my health, my mobility. I am not saying this software is misused. I am saying I would prefer that data concerning me be under the jurisdiction of laws I helped elect, before judges whose system I understand, on servers located in a country where fundamental rights are protected like mine. That is what digital sovereignty concretely means.

Why standards matter more than champions

In the global technology war, the most powerful weapon is not the best-performing product — it is the standard that defines how all products must function. Whoever establishes the standard controls the market without owning every company. USB, Wi-Fi, HTML — these standards developed primarily by American engineers shaped the global architecture of the Internet. Today the battle is being fought on the standards of AI, 5G/6G, connected vehicles, and critical communications security protocols.

China has invested massively in international standards bodies — ISO, IEC, ITU — to influence global technical decisions. If 6G or embedded AI protocol standards are defined primarily by Chinese engineers, the technologies implementing these standards will carry an architecture favorable to Chinese companies and methods. Europe, too busy regulating existing technologies, is often absent from the battles over future technologies.

The urgency of a European presence in standardization consortia

The Franco-German document of June 17, 2026 does not mention standards policy. This is a significant gap. Berlin and Paris must coordinate a European strategy for standards bodies — not to impose European standards at all costs, but to ensure that adopted standards are technologically neutral and do not encode architectural biases favorable to a specific jurisdiction. This is meticulous technical work, low in media visibility, but fundamental to the future of European digital sovereignty.

Institutions like ETSI (European Telecommunications Standards Institute) play this role, but with insufficient resources and political influence. A strong Franco-German commitment — both budgetary and diplomatic — to strengthen European representation in global standards consortia would be a concrete and lasting contribution to digital sovereignty, far more effective than general calls for "strategic autonomy."

The standards battle is fought in technical meetings that no one pays attention to until the day everyone realizes that all global infrastructure encodes choices made quietly by a handful of engineers. Europe has lost several of these battles through inattention. It can still win others — if it wakes up in time. This Franco-German document does not say this loudly enough. I am saying it.

What the Franco-German initiative can trigger if followed by action

The document of June 17, 2026 holds real value if — and only if — it leads to concrete initiatives within the next 12 to 18 months. Its potential is to align Berlin and Paris sufficiently for a majority of EU member states to adopt a common approach on strategic investments, data rules for critical infrastructure, and market access standards for platforms from outside the bloc. It is an important political lever, if the two governments have the will to turn it into real policy.

The history of the Franco-German relationship in European construction shows that when the two largest EU economies align, they can bring the rest along. The European digital Marshall Plan that has been missing for a decade could eventually emerge from such an impulse. But this requires both governments — currently both weakened by internal political dynamics — to find the stability and duration needed to turn a paper into a program.

The closing window

The global technology competition is being decided in the years 2025-2030. AI architectures, next-generation communication standards, data infrastructures — all of this is being built now. In 5 or 10 years, current dependencies will be even deeper, transition costs even higher. Europe cannot afford to defer yet again a strategic decision it has deferred since the emergence of the Internet. This Franco-German document is an opportunity. It is not a certainty.

I close with a personal conviction: European digital sovereignty is not a peacetime luxury — it is a strategic necessity for long-term democratic survival. The Europe that surrenders control of its digital infrastructure abdicates a fundamental dimension of its political sovereignty. This Franco-German document is a first step. The road ahead is immense. And the window is closing.

By Maxime Marquette, columnist

Editorial stance

I am not a journalist but a columnist and analyst. My expertise lies in observing and analysing the geopolitical, economic and strategic dynamics that shape our world. My work is to take political strategies apart, to understand global economic movements, to put the decisions of international actors in context and to offer analytical perspectives on the changes that are redefining our societies.

I do not claim the cold objectivity of traditional journalism, which stops at reporting facts. I claim analytical clarity, rigorous interpretation and a deep understanding of the complex issues that concern us all. My role is to give meaning to the facts, to place them in their historical and strategic context, and to offer a critical reading of events.

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The analyses, interpretations and perspectives in the analytical sections of this article are a critical, contextual synthesis based on the information available, the trends observed and the expert comments cited in the sources consulted.

My role is to interpret these facts, to set them in the context of today's geopolitical and economic dynamics, and to give them a coherent meaning within the larger story of the changes shaping our time. These analyses reflect expertise built through continuous observation of international affairs and an understanding of the strategic mechanisms that drive global actors.

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