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COLUMN: How Ukraine Is Strangling Russia's War Machine — Drones Against Explosives

There is an old military truth that great strategists have known since antiquity: to defeat an army, you must first smother its

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Key takeaways
  1. There is an old military truth that great strategists have known since antiquity: to defeat an army, you must first smother its
  2. Introduction: Strike at the Source, Not Just the Front
  3. The strategy of industrial suffocation
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Facts, quotes, and cited links remain in the body. Interpretations are framed as analysis or opinion according to the format.

Introduction: Strike at the Source, Not Just the Front

The strategy of industrial suffocation

There is an old military truth that great strategists have known since antiquity: to defeat an army, you must first smother its ability to manufacture its own ammunition. Ukraine has absorbed that lesson with a rigor that demands respect. Since the beginning of 2026, Ukraine's drone campaign against Russian industrial infrastructure has produced measurable, documented results that are progressively shifting the balance of the war.

According to United24 Media, citing data from June 30, 2026, Russian production of ammonium nitrate — the fundamental component of military explosives — fell by 9% year-on-year over the first five months of 2026, to 4.7 million tonnes. In May alone, the decline reached 14%. These figures, drawn from Russian industrial data itself, tell a story of systematic degradation that Putin seeks to deny.

Ammonium nitrate: the link between agriculture and war

Ammonium nitrate is not just an agricultural fertilizer. It is also one of the base components of modern military explosives — glide bombs, artillery shells, anti-armor munitions. By targeting the chemical plants that produce it, Ukraine is striking directly at the ammunition supply chain of an army that fires thousands of shells per day along the front. This is a strategy of surgical precision.

The connection between civilian ammonium nitrate and military production represents a structural vulnerability in the Russian defense industry. Putin did not anticipate that Ukrainian drones would cover thousands of kilometers to strike chemical plants in the regions of Tver, Perm, Samara, and Stavropol. He was spectacularly wrong on that point, as on so many others since February 24, 2022.

A Documented Timeline: Eight Plants in Five Months

From Tver to Stavropol — the map of industrial strikes

The campaign accelerated from the start of 2026. On February 7, the experimental plant at Redkinsky in Tver region is struck. On February 17, the Metafrax Chemicals plant in Perm region — a direct supplier of explosive precursors — is temporarily put out of service. On February 25, the Dorogobuzh plant in Smolensk suffers the same fate. The list grows methodically, month after month.

In March 2026, the PhosAgro Apatit facility in Vologda is hit. In April, the KuibyshevAzot plant in Samara and the Minudobreniya plant in Voronezh are struck. In May, the Azot plant in Stavropol Krai is hit twice in separate strikes. The most recent target is the Azot plant in Novomoskovsk in Tula region, struck during a multi-hour raid that caused power outages and an ammonia smell.

Moscow's reaction — an inadvertent admission

The best proof that this campaign is working? The Russian government's own response. The Russian Ministry of Agriculture imposed a temporary suspension of ammonium nitrate export licenses from March 21 to April 21, 2026. That decision has only one explanation: Russian stocks are shrinking, production capacity is compromised, and Moscow decided to halt exports to prioritize domestic military needs.

Production of ammonia — the upstream precursor — itself fell by 7.5% over the first five months of 2026, to 7.6 million tonnes. Russian industrial projections forecast a total annual decline of 5% in ammonium nitrate for 2026. These figures come from Russian industrial sources themselves, published by independent media. They are not lying on Ukraine's behalf.

The Causal Chain: From Chemical Plants to Bombs Over Kharkiv

How a fertilizer becomes a 500-kilogram glide bomb

To understand what is at stake, trace the causal chain. The chemical plants being struck produce precursors that go into the manufacture of military explosives. Those explosives feed the FAB-500 and FAB-1500 glide bombs that Russia drops daily on Ukrainian cities — Kharkiv, Zaporizhzhia, Sumy, Mykolaiv. A reduction in precursor production mechanically translates into a potential reduction in the rate of production of these devastating weapons.

Russian attacks on June 30, 2026 alone killed 13 people and injured 109 others across several oblasts: Dnipropetrovsk (6 dead, 38 injured), Kharkiv (4 dead, 24 injured), Zaporizhzhia (3 dead, 18 injured). Those figures are a brutal reminder of why every explosives plant struck by a Ukrainian drone carries direct and immediate human value.

The campaign against refineries — a parallel economic front

This campaign against explosives plants is part of a broader strategy of economic suffocation of Russia. Ukraine has conducted an intensive campaign against Russian oil refineries since 2024, disrupting fuel production and forcing Moscow into painful choices. The documented fuel shortages in several Russian regions are a direct consequence. Russia is fighting on multiple fronts simultaneously — the contact front, the logistics front, and now the industrial front.

Ukraine has also demonstrated its strike capability at more than 1,300 km from its territory. On July 1, 2026, drones from the SBU struck the Kupol plant in Izhevsk in Udmurtia, which produces Tor and Osa air-defense systems. Russian geography, long considered a natural shield, has become a vulnerability against Ukrainian long-range drones.

The Continuous Improvement of Ukraine's Drone Program

Long-range drones as a transformational force

Ukraine's deep-strike capability rests on a drone development program that accelerated considerably in 2025-2026. The European Union announced on June 30, 2026 the disbursement of 3.9 billion euros specifically for Ukrainian drone production, as part of a total loan of 90 billion euros approved in April. These resources will allow Ukraine to significantly increase the pace and range of its industrial strikes against Russia.

Ukrainian Defense Minister Mykhailo Fedorov stated that these funds will be directly invested in the expansion of Ukrainian defense production. Ukraine spends between 45 and 50 billion dollars a year on weapons manufactured in Ukraine — a figure declared by Zelensky himself during a conference with the NATO Secretary General. Ukraine's defense industry has grown tenfold since 2022. The drones striking Russian chemical plants are its most spectacular manifestation.

From reconnaissance drone to industrial strike vector

The growing sophistication of Ukrainian drones used in these industrial strikes deserves emphasis. These are not simply reconnaissance tools with moderate adaptations. They are long-range vectors specifically designed to strike targets hundreds or more than 1,000 km away, with sufficient precision to damage specific industrial installations while minimizing civilian casualties. That is a considerable technological achievement for a country at war since 2014.

The July 1, 2026 strike on the Kupol plant in Izhevsk at more than 1,300 km from Ukrainian territory is the most recent illustration. Two drones struck production and storage facilities, triggering a fire. Izhevsk airport was temporarily closed. The local governor confirmed casualties without specifying numbers. No alert sirens had sounded before impact. That is the level of precision and stealth Ukraine has achieved.

Strategic Implications for the Duration of the Conflict

The sustainability of Russia's firing rate under question

The question this campaign raises with growing urgency is whether Russia can sustain its rate of fire. Russia fires tens of thousands of shells per day along the Ukrainian front. It produces glide bombs at an industrial pace. But every Ukrainian strike on a chemical precursor plant, every refinery hit, every logistics hub disrupted contributes to weakening a war machine that seemed inexhaustible in 2022.

North Korea delivers artillery ammunition, Iran supplies drones, but none of these unreliable allies can replace a domestic chemical industry methodically dismantled. Moscow can import precursors in the short term, but every adaptation takes time and costs resources that Putin is finding increasingly hard to allocate to the war as his economy erodes.

What the West must do to amplify this effect

For this industrial suffocation strategy to bear fruit at full scale, Ukraine needs its Western allies to support it without ambiguity. At the NATO summit in Ankara on July 7-8, 2026, the 32 allied nations will discuss the provision of additional long-range weapons to Ukraine — not despite this strategy, but precisely to amplify it. The EU granted a loan of 3.9 billion euros for Ukrainian drone production, announced on June 30, 2026. That is a strong signal, but insufficient if concrete deliveries do not follow.

The meeting of the five European powers in Berlin on June 24, 2026Germany, France, the United Kingdom, Italy, and Poland — resulted in a commitment on the coordination of long-range weapons. Friedrich Merz declared that Europe must send a strong signal: "Ukraine remains strong." Those words must translate into weapons systems delivered. Speeches do not win industrial wars.

The Drone War in Numbers: 200 Russian Systems Destroyed

A systematic campaign with documented results

The campaign against chemical plants fits within a broader picture. Since January 1, 2026, Ukraine's drone force has destroyed nearly 200 Russian air-defense systems, including 31 in June 2026 alone, according to Euromaidanpress. A Pantsir system and two radars in occupied Crimea were added in a late-June operation. That systematic pressure on Russian air-defense capabilities creates operational windows for Ukrainian industrial drones striking deep inside Russia.

On June 30, 2026, Zelensky confirmed a second strike on the Dubna Space Communications Center in Moscow region, approximately 500 km from the Ukrainian border. This center supports Russian military communications, intelligence, and satellite operations. Striking it repeatedly demonstrates that Ukraine can not only strike far, but return to strike the same strategic targets until they are definitively neutralized.

The impact on Russian communications and logistics

These combined strikes — chemical plants, refineries, communications centers, air-defense systems — create a strategic synergy effect. Every air-defense system destroyed opens a new route for Ukrainian drones. Every communications center hit degrades the coordination of Russian forces at the front. Every plant struck reduces ammunition production capacity. Together, these effects accumulate and reinforce one another in what strategists call an industrial attrition campaign.

Japanese components found in 90% of Russian missile and drone types, revealed in analyses from June 30, 2026, add another dimension: Ukraine is actively working with its allies to identify and cut the international supply chains on which the Russian military industry depends. This is a war on every front — including that of sanctions and export controls.

The Northern Front Opens: Chernihiv Under Threat from Bryansk

Syrskyi alerts on a potential new front

While Ukraine strikes Russian chemical plants, Russia may be preparing a new ground offensive. On June 30, 2026, Ukrainian Commander-in-Chief Oleksandr Syrskyi declared that the most realistic option for Moscow is an offensive from the Russian region of Bryansk toward Chernihiv oblast. Putin reportedly ordered the Russian general staff to prepare plans for several offensive scenarios, including a thrust through Belarus. Ukrainian authorities ordered mandatory evacuations of 12 border communities effective July 1, 2026.

That northern threat illustrates Ukraine's dual challenge: maintain offensive pressure on Russian industry via drones, while preparing to defend new ground attack axes. The industrial campaign cannot replace territorial defense — it complements it and makes it more sustainable by exhausting adversary resources. This is the theory of total asymmetric war that Ukraine is realizing on the ground.

Evacuations as a military intelligence signal

The fact that Ukraine ordered the evacuation of 19 communities in total in Chernihiv region12 new ones and 7 extensions of previous orders — shows maximum seriousness about the threat. Ukraine has already reinforced its defenses in the region: fortifications, minefields, new drone units. Geography favors Ukrainian defense — the Ukrainian bank of the Dnipro is elevated, and all bridges capable of supporting heavy equipment have been destroyed in the Chernobyl direction.

That northern threat adds another dimension to Ukraine's industrial campaign. If Russia opened a new front, its ammunition needs would explode — at precisely the moment when its production of explosive precursors is falling. Ukraine is playing chess while Putin plays checkers. That strategic difference could prove decisive.

The Berlin-Kyiv Axis: The Diplomatic Response to Industrial Drones

The E5 Berlin summit and its concrete commitments

Ukraine's industrial campaign is unfolding within a rapidly evolving diplomatic context. On June 24, 2026, the meeting of the five major European powers in BerlinFriedrich Merz (Germany), Emmanuel Macron (France), Keir Starmer (United Kingdom), Giorgia Meloni (Italy), and Donald Tusk (Poland) — resulted in a coordination commitment on long-range weapons, air defense, and artificial intelligence. Those commitments are directly linked to Ukraine's ability to continue its deep industrial strikes.

NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte participated by videoconference from Washington, where he was in discussions with President Donald Trump. Merz's message was clear: Europe must send Moscow a strong signal before the NATO summit in Ankara on July 7-8, 2026. That signal must be based on concrete deliverables, not declarations of intent that reassure allies without changing anything on the ground.

Trump, NATO, and the paradox of the necessary evil

Donald Trump represents for Europe an unpredictable partner whose support nonetheless remains essential. His repeated criticism of European allies who were not spending enough of their GDP on defense ultimately produced an unexpected result: Europe is spending more, coordinating better, and taking the war more seriously than in 2022. The 5% of GDP defense target by 2035, set at the The Hague summit, is a direct result of that American pressure.

But Ukraine's industrial campaign does not depend on Trump. It depends on Ukraine itself — on its ability to produce drones, identify targets, and execute strikes with precision. What the West can do is provide the targeting technologies, electronic components, and navigation systems that make these drones more effective. That is what Zelensky will ask for at Ankara. And that is what the allies will have to deliver.

Conclusion: The War of Numbers Ukraine Is Winning

Nine percent today — and tomorrow?

A 9% drop in Russian explosive precursor production in five months is a beginning. It is not yet a decisive victory. But it demonstrates that a coherent strategy, pursued with limited resources, can produce measurable effects on the war economy of a great power. Every additional strike amplifies that effect. The question is not whether this strategy works — the figures confirm it. The question is whether Ukraine will have the resources needed to push it to its logical conclusion.

The war in Ukraine is being fought on several simultaneous fronts: the contact front, the aerial front, the diplomatic front, and, increasingly decisively, the industrial front. Zelensky has understood this for a long time: to defeat a great power, you must attack its ability to produce, not just its ability to deploy. Nine percent. The counter is running. And the direction is clearly unfavorable for Vladimir Putin.

What this column cannot yet say

Let us be honest about the limits. The production decline figures come from Russian industrial sources cited by independent media — credible but not verifiable by outside inspectors. The exact effect of these strikes on the actual firing rate of Russian forces at the front remains difficult to quantify, as Russia still holds substantial stocks. What is certain is the direction: unfavorable for Putin, favorable for Ukraine. That is already significant in a war of attrition.

This Ukrainian campaign against explosives plants represents one of the most ingenious strategies of this conflict. It deserves to be better known to the Western public, which hears about front lines moving by a few kilometers per week but does not always perceive the industrial dynamics that will ultimately determine the outcome of this war. Ukraine strikes. Russia absorbs. Until when?

By Maxime Marquette, columnist

Columnist's transparency note

My sources and my stated biases

This column draws primarily on the United24 Media report from June 30, 2026, which cites data from The Moscow Times based on Russian industrial statistics. I do not have access to the original industrial data or classified intelligence reports. My analysis is that of a columnist working with verifiable public sources. My bias is pro-Ukraine and pro-West — I state that openly.

I believe Ukraine's industrial suffocation strategy is legitimate and deserves Western support. I do not claim neutrality in the face of an illegal war of aggression: neutrality is itself a moral position. That said, I commit to presenting only verifiable facts and to clearly distinguishing what is established from what remains uncertain. This article was written on July 1, 2026.

Limits and uncertainties of this analysis

The effect of these industrial strikes on Russia's actual ammunition production rate remains difficult to quantify precisely. Russia has stocks and can import precursors from its allies. The figures presented reflect a measured trend, not an imminent collapse of the Russian war machine. The actual duration of these strikes' effects on Russian military capacity is debated by experts, and I have no definitive answer to offer on that specific point.

The other sources used for context — Militarnyi, Euromaidanpress, Kyiv Independent — are pro-Ukrainian media that I consider reliable in their documentation of military facts, but which share the same editorial orientation as my own. The simple rule: when the Kremlin denies something vehemently, it is generally because it hurts. The suspension of ammonium nitrate exports is the best illustration of that.

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Cite this article

Maxime Marquette (2026). COLUMN: How Ukraine Is Strangling Russia's War Machine — Drones Against Explosives. MadMax. https://mad-max.co/en/article/chronique-comment-l-ukraine-etrangle-la-machine-de-guerre-russe-drones-contre-ex

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Maxime Marquette
Independent columnist

Maxime Marquette writes most of the analyses and columns published on MadMax — geopolitics, technology, and current events, no filler.

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