BREAKDOWN: Hamas Says Yes to 14 of 15 Points — Disarmament, the Knot That Blocks Everything
On June 13, 2026, Palestinian factions handed mediators a written response to Nikolay Mladenov's 15-point roadmap — accepting 14 points. The one they refused is precisely the one everything else hinges on.
- On June 13, 2026, Palestinian factions handed mediators a written response to Nikolay Mladenov's 15-point roadmap — accepting 14 points. The one they refused is precisely the one everything else hinges on.
- Introduction: The Response That Changes Everything Without Changing Anything
- A Calculated Diplomatic Signal
Facts, quotes, and cited links remain in the body. Interpretations are framed as analysis or opinion according to the format.
Introduction: The Response That Changes Everything Without Changing Anything
A Calculated Diplomatic Signal
On June 13, 2026, Palestinian factions convened in Cairo under the aegis of Egyptian, Qatari, and Turkish mediators submitted a written response to the 15-point roadmap drafted by Nikolay Mladenov, chief representative of the Trump-mandated Peace Council. According to sources close to the negotiations cited by Reuters and picked up by the Straits Times, the factions — Hamas foremost among them — accepted 14 of the 15 points in the document. A remarkable threshold for an organization classified as a terrorist entity by the United States, the European Union, and Canada. Almost enough to call it a diplomatic breakthrough. Almost.
But in this kind of negotiation, "almost" is the most dangerous word in the dictionary. The single rejected point — point 8 of the roadmap, on the surrender of weapons — is precisely the point around which everything else pivots. Accepting the other 14 without point 8 is like accepting the terms of a contract except the payment clause. It looks like an agreement. It isn't one.
Weeks of Intense Behind-the-Scenes Diplomacy
This response is the product of several weeks of intense parallel diplomacy conducted in hotel back rooms in Cairo. According to Al-Ahram Online, which covered the submission of the response on June 14, 2026, Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine held trilateral meetings to jointly draft the document. Khalil Al-Hayya, head of the Hamas delegation in Cairo, oversaw the process. The response, Hamas's official statement specified, "reflects a unified national position reached after extensive consultations among Palestinian factions and mediators."
This displayed consensus carries real political value — it signals that Hamas is not isolated in its stance on disarmament. Islamic Jihad and the PFLP share the same refusal. In other words, even if Hamas capitulated tomorrow on point 8, two other armed organizations would refuse to comply. The disarmament question does not concern a single organization — it concerns the entire armed ecosystem of Gaza.
The Mladenov Roadmap: Fifteen Points to Exit the Labyrinth
A Diplomatic Architecture Built on Reciprocity
To grasp the full extent of the deadlock, one must first understand what this roadmap represents. Unveiled on May 21, 2026 on social media by Nikolay Mladenov — following a UN Security Council briefing — the 15-point roadmap constitutes the operational mechanism designed to advance Trump's 20-point comprehensive peace plan, whose ceasefire agreement took effect on October 10, 2025. According to Israel National News, which summarized Mladenov's presentation, the 15 points are structured in distinct phases: points 1–5 establish guiding civilian principles, points 6–11 frame the security transition, points 12–14 provide for the deployment of an International Stabilization Force and the withdrawal of the Israel Defense Forces, and point 15 conditions reconstruction on verified stability.
The central architecture rests on a principle of strict reciprocity: each obligation on one side triggers a corresponding obligation on the other, verified by an independent Implementation Verification Committee. As Mladenov wrote on social media: "The process therefore does not rely on promises alone. Every obligation on one side triggers an obligation on the other." This approach aims to break the classic cycle of mutual accusation — Israel says Hamas violates the terms, Hamas says Israel does — by introducing an objective third-party verification mechanism.
The Principle of "One Authority, One Law, One Weapon"
At the heart of the roadmap's security section stands a principle Mladenov described as "a Palestinian principle" and "a universal principle of good governance": "One authority, one law, one weapon." According to the presentation relayed by Israel National News, this means only authorized, non-factional security personnel would be permitted to carry weapons in the Gaza Strip. Armed terrorist groups would be required to permanently cease all military operations. The plan also provides for reform of the civil police, its integration into unified local structures, and an internationally verified phased disarmament process designed to prevent a security collapse.
Mladenov stressed a crucial point in his presentation: "Nothing we are doing asks Palestinians to hand their weapons to Israel. We are asking them to consolidate them." This rhetorical distinction matters but is insufficient in Hamas's eyes, which refuses to see in that formulation a tangible guarantee. For the movement, disarmament — regardless of how it is framed — amounts to capitulation without verifiable Israeli counterparts.
Point 8: Anatomy of an Absolute Deadlock
"The Surrender of Weapons" — The Clause Hamas Cannot Accept
Point 8 of the roadmap — titled "surrender of weapons" in documents reviewed by The New Arab — is what sources close to the negotiations described as "the knot of all knots." According to The New Arab, this point was the subject of several days of discussion and back-and-forth between the factions themselves and between the factions and the mediators. The text was entirely redrafted at a trilateral meeting between Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and the PFLP. Sources confirmed that "amendments to the other 14 points were minor, but the main problem was this eighth point."
Hamas's position on this point has been known for months and has not shifted in its fundamentals. The movement refuses to lay down arms before: first, full implementation of Phase 1 of the ceasefire, which Israel has not fully honored; second, the complete withdrawal of Israeli forces from the Gaza Strip; third, international guarantees that hostilities will not resume. According to Al-Ahram Online, Hamas insists that surrendering weapons before these conditions are met would "deprive Palestinians of their right to resistance and leave civilians defenseless against a continuing Israeli occupation."
A Position Hardened by Ground Realities
This position does not emerge from an ideological vacuum. It is hardened by a documented reality: since the ceasefire took effect on October 10, 2025, Israeli forces have killed more than 1,005 Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, according to figures from the Gaza Health Ministry reported by NPR on June 18, 2026. Gaza has experienced near-daily strikes, artillery fire, and rifle fire along the demarcation line known as the "Yellow Line." In this context, asking Hamas to disarm is asking it to lower its shield while its adversary is still firing.
Moreover, Israel has gradually extended its territorial control. According to data from Al-Ahram Online and the Straits Times, the zone under Israeli military control has moved from the agreed threshold of 53% behind the original Yellow Line to approximately 60–64% of Gaza's territory — with some sources indicating that Prime Minister Netanyahu has ordered his army to aim for 70%. Against this backdrop of systematic Phase 1 violations, Israeli rhetoric on disarmament as a precondition for Phase 2 appears to Hamas as a trap, not a peace process.
The Mediators' Proposal: Gradual Disarmament for Phased Withdrawal
Egypt, Qatar, and Turkey's Initiative
Faced with the impasse, the three mediators — Egypt, Qatar, Turkey — developed their own compromise proposal, whose details were revealed by The National on June 9, 2026. The plan stipulates that a "Palestinian party" — unspecified — first conducts an inventory of weapons, without surrendering them. That party would then take custody of the weapons along with detailed maps of underground tunnels and the location of weapons manufacturing facilities. The transfer and storage of weapons would be supervised by representatives of the mediators and the International Stabilization Force, whose deployment has not yet been finalized.
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In return, Israel would be required to announce a timetable for withdrawal from Gaza, in parallel with the disarmament steps. The mediators also propose that in exchange for Hamas disarmament, Israel permit adequate humanitarian aid to enter Gaza and lift its ban on the entry of the Palestinian non-partisan technocrats' commission tasked with managing Gaza's day-to-day affairs — the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza (NCAG), whose members have been denied entry to the territory since its formation in January 2026.
Hamas Ready to Surrender Heavy Weapons, Not Small Arms
According to The National News, Hamas has already signaled willingness to hand over heavy weapons — missile batteries, heavy machine guns — under the Trump plan, but intends to retain small arms for personal protection. Israel immediately rejected this distinction, demanding full surrender of the entire arsenal. On the Islamic Jihad side, close to Iran, the position is even harder: absolute refusal to hand over anything, along with accusations of bias against Mladenov. The PFLP has adopted a similar line.
The mediators' proposal, according to the same source, attempts to "merge Phases 1 and 2 of the Trump plan to restart momentum." Each party must take a step, then wait for the other to do the same. It is the sequential, reciprocal approach Mladenov has championed from the start — but whose implementation requires a minimum of trust between the parties. Yet as Mladenov himself acknowledged in his roadmap presentation: "Trust between Israelis and Palestinians is effectively nonexistent."
The 14 Accepted Points: What Hamas Said Yes To
Agreement on the Principles of Governance
Little is publicly known about the 14 accepted points, as negotiations remain largely confidential. But elements filtered through sources close to the talks allow the broad outlines to be reconstructed. Hamas has accepted, according to Al-Ahram Online, provisions relating to technocratic governance: the movement declared itself ready to transfer administrative power to the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza (NCAG) as early as January 2026. In May 2026, it reiterated this readiness, calling for the committee's immediate entry into Gaza to assume full administration of the territory.
Hamas also accepted provisions related to reconstruction — provided that aid and reconstruction materials actually enter Gaza — and those relating to the deployment of an international stabilization force. It accepted humanitarian principles, third-party verification mechanisms, and — notably — the idea that weapons would no longer be visible in Gaza's streets and alleyways once the NCAG is in place. Hamas political bureau member Hussam Badran himself said as much to Al Jazeera on June 5, 2026: only official weapons intended for the official Palestinian police would be visible in public spaces.
A Strategic Semantic Shift
This distinction is fundamental and revealing. Hamas does not refuse the visible disappearance of weapons — it refuses the surrender of weapons. It is prepared to bring its fighters into barracks, remove public military displays, and let the civil police handle day-to-day order. What it refuses is the physical destruction of its arsenal or its transfer to a third party. For Israel and the United States, this distinction is unacceptable — disarmament must be real, verifiable, irreversible. For Hamas, it is an existential red line.
In practice, one can therefore say that the 14 accepted points essentially cover the political and governmental facade of the peace process, while the one rejected point — number 8 — concerns the military and strategic core of the movement. This is not a concession on 93% of a peace program. It is a concession on the framing conditions while preserving the essential balance of power.
Israel: The Absolute Red Line
Netanyahu, Internal Pressure, and Expansionism
On the Israeli side, the position is equally unyielding, for both strategic and political reasons. Benjamin Netanyahu is under intense pressure from his far-right religious coalition, which opposes any withdrawal from Gaza and any implicit recognition of a political future for Palestinians. The Prime Minister has responded to this pressure by ordering his army to extend Israeli control to 70% of Gaza, well beyond the parameters of the October 2025 ceasefire. According to The National News, Israeli representatives presented maps to aid agencies in March and April 2026 indicating control of approximately 64% of Gaza's territory.
In this context, Israel's official position on disarmament — Hamas must lay down its weapons, cede power in Gaza, and play no role in the enclave's future — is a legitimately defensible position on the merits. A terrorist organization should not govern. An organization that launched the massacres of October 7, 2023, killing approximately 1,200 people, deserves no diplomatic reward. The problem is that this legitimate position is being instrumentalized to justify continued military operations that violate the ceasefire agreement the state of Israel itself signed.
Mladenov Caught in the Crossfire
Envoy Nikolay Mladenov finds himself in a delicate position. According to The National, a Peace Council official stated on June 11, 2026: "All weapons in Gaza must be disarmed; the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza must assume its responsibilities as the transitional authority; and Israel must withdraw to allow Gaza's full reconstruction." A balanced statement on paper — but in practice, the Israeli condition takes precedence on the ground since Israel continues military operations without Washington applying real pressure.
Hamas has accused Mladenov of pro-Israeli bias, according to The National News of June 3, 2026. A senior Hamas official told the BBC in April 2026: "We expect Mladenov to establish a definitive timetable for Israel to fulfill its outstanding Phase 1 obligations." Mladenov refuted the bias accusations, insisting his plan applies to both parties. But the asymmetry of consequences remains: a disarmed Hamas can no longer act militarily. An Israel that does not withdraw can continue operating.
The Eight-Month Disarmament Plan: A Precise Calendar on Paper
The Five Stages of the Mladenov-Peace Council Plan
Regardless of current blockages, the detailed disarmament plan exists and has been made public. According to the text of the plan reviewed by Reuters and summarized by the Times of Israel in March 2026, the process spans eight months with surgical precision. Stage one (first 15 days) requires the NCAG to assume security and administrative control of Gaza. Stage two (days 16–40) marks the start of disarmament with the surrender of heavy weapons. Stage three (days 30–90) is the most intensive: Hamas surrenders all heavy weapons and military equipment to the NCAG and authorizes the destruction of all tunnels, explosives, and military infrastructure.
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Stage four (days 91–250) provides for the collection and registration of all remaining weapons, including rifles and carbines, by NCAG police forces, while Israel begins its phased withdrawal. Stage five, called "final verification," leads to the complete withdrawal of Israeli forces from Gaza — save for a security perimeter presence — and the launch of large-scale reconstruction efforts. It is a detailed, well-sequenced calendar, conditional on verification at each stage.
Voluntary Weapons Buyback and Conditional Amnesty
Mladenov's plan, as presented at his May 2026 UN Security Council briefing, also includes incentive mechanisms: a voluntary weapons buyback program and a conditional amnesty for those who surrender weapons and choose to live within the law. Mladenov stressed: "We are not seeking retribution. We are seeking transition." He also recalled that the "one authority, one law, one weapon" principle is not a Western invention but a Palestinian principle expressed by Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas himself on numerous occasions.
These incentives appear to have had no notable effect on Hamas. The organization responded in April 2026 — according to a Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD) analysis — by formally rejecting the eight-phase disarmament plan as presented, distinguishing between "disarmament" and "surrender of weapons" and demanding that any material transfer be managed by a neutral party with additional guarantees to protect the weaponry against future Israeli strikes. A position that, in practice, amounts to wanting to retain effective control over weapons even while "surrendering" them.
Iran's Weight on the Negotiations
Islamic Jihad and the Iranian Hard Line
The Iranian dimension is often underestimated in analyses of the disarmament deadlock. Palestinian Islamic Jihad, directly financed and armed by Tehran, adopts an even harder line than Hamas: absolute refusal to surrender anything. According to The National News, during the al-Alamein negotiations in early June 2026 — before their postponement — sources indicated that Islamic Jihad accused Mladenov of pro-Israeli bias and refused any discussion of disarmament. Yet in a comprehensive Gaza disarmament, Islamic Jihad must be included — otherwise Hamas can disarm while military resistance capacity simply migrates to other actors.
The agreement under negotiation between the United States and Iran — which sources cited by Democracy Now had reported on June 15, 2026 was close to a memorandum of understanding to end the conflict — could in theory alter Islamic Jihad's position. If Tehran accepts to normalize relations with Washington, its interest in maintaining armed proxies in Gaza should diminish. But this hypothesis remains fragile, and the US-Iran negotiations face their own multiple obstacles.
Gaza in the Shadow of the US-Iran Deal
According to The National News, sources close to the negotiations noted in June 2026 that "the Trump administration was deeply distracted by negotiations to end the war with Iran." This shift of American attention is one of the factors explaining the stagnation of Gaza negotiations over recent weeks. For Trump, Gaza is a secondary file: he already claimed his initial diplomatic performance with the October 2025 ceasefire and the release of the hostages. Phase 2 is politically less glamorous and infinitely more complex.
A source cited by The National noted with some cynicism: "There is no guarantee this will happen and Palestinians are now watching what they can get if Iran includes Gaza in a deal to end its war with the United States." This regional instrumentalization of the Gaza file illustrates how fully the fate of Gaza's two million Palestinians is determined by geopolitical dynamics far beyond their control.
Israeli Ceasefire Violations: The Context That Complicates Everything
More Than 1,000 Dead Since the October 2025 Ceasefire
To fully understand why Hamas refuses to disarm in the current context, one must reckon with what has happened since the ceasefire came into force. The data is damning. According to Gaza's Health Ministry, reported by NPR on June 18, 2026, Israeli operations in the Gaza Strip have killed 1,005 Palestinians since the October 2025 ceasefire. The enclave experiences near-daily strikes, artillery fire, and rifle fire along the demarcation line dividing Gaza into Israeli and Palestinian control zones. The most recent drone strikes have targeted towns and refugee camps in central Gaza and Gaza City.
On June 14, 2026, according to the Straits Times, Israeli strikes and gunfire killed at least six Palestinians in the Gaza Strip. An air raid killed at least four people near Al-Yemeni Al-Saeed hospital in the Jabalia refugee camp in the north of the enclave. Two others were killed in separate incidents in Khan Younis and Gaza City. The total war toll since October 2023 has surpassed 73,000 dead, approximately half of them women and children, according to the Gaza Health Ministry cited by Al-Ahram Online.
Systematic Documented Violations
According to Middle East Eye, the Gaza government's media office has documented at least 2,400 Israeli violations during the first six months of the ceasefire between October 10, 2025 and April 10, 2026. OCHA, in its June 5, 2026 report, documented humanitarian aid restrictions, delays at Kerem Shalom checkpoints — the only crossing open for goods — and a humanitarian situation described as "volatile and insecure, with strikes continuing daily." OHCHR has since January 2026 recorded at least 12 attacks on Palestinian police officers, killing more than 53 civilians, including 35 police officers.
These figures do not serve to absolve Hamas — the terrorist organization that massacred 1,200 Israelis on October 7, 2023, carries a historic responsibility that no macabre body count calculus can erase. But they serve to explain why the demand for Hamas's unilateral disarmament in this context runs into not only the organization's predictable resistance, but also the skepticism of mediators and a significant portion of the international community.
The NCAG: Governance on Hold Since January 2026
A Committee Formed but Blocked at Gaza's Gates
One of the most emblematic elements of the general impasse is the situation of the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza (NCAG). Formed since January 2026, this committee of non-factional Palestinian technocrats is meant to take over civil administration in Gaza, replacing the Hamas government. Hamas explicitly stated it was ready to transfer administrative power to it. And yet, in June 2026, NCAG members are still being denied entry into Gaza by Israeli authorities.
According to Al-Ahram Online, Palestinian factions underscored during negotiations "the necessity of full compliance with what is stipulated in the roadmap regarding the entry of the administrative committee." Hamas reiterated in May 2026 its call for the NCAG to enter Gaza immediately, assume full responsibility, and receive the necessary funding and resources. The fact that Israel is blocking the entry of a non-partisan Palestinian technocratic committee — while simultaneously demanding that Hamas disarm — is perceived by mediators and Palestinian factions as a fundamental contradiction: how can one demand disarmament while blocking the successor body that is supposed to ensure post-disarmament security?
The Post-Hamas Vision Blocked by Its Own Promoters
The Trump plan, in its original concept, provided for a precise transition architecture: Hamas steps back from governance, the NCAG takes over administration under international supervision, reconstruction begins, factions disarm, and Israel progressively withdraws. Each step conditions the next. The problem is that several elements supposedly accepted by Israel when the October 2025 ceasefire was signed are not being implemented: the NCAG cannot enter Gaza, humanitarian aid is insufficient, Israeli withdrawal is incomplete and has even reversed in territorial terms.
This blockage reveals a fundamental tension within the Western camp itself. The United States designed and sponsored a peace plan that their principal regional ally — Israel — is not implementing in its key components. This dissonance weakens American credibility vis-à-vis mediators and Palestinian factions. Hamas plays it skillfully: every documented Israeli violation strengthens its argument that disarming without guarantees would be suicidal.
The Mechanics of Cairo Negotiations: What Happened Week After Week
Repeated Rounds Without Structural Breakthrough
The chronology of negotiations since late May 2026 reveals an exhausting mechanics of restarts, postponements, and partial advances without breakthrough. In early June 2026, according to The National, talks were due to take place in al-Alamein, Egypt, but were postponed at Mladenov's own request — he wanted to give mediators time to convince Hamas to modify its position on disarmament. Egyptian, Qatari, and Turkish mediators multiplied shuttle diplomacy efforts, notably to Ankara. An entire week of intensive discussions took place in Cairo between the factions and mediators.
On June 11, 2026, senior Hamas official Hussam Badran stated in a communiqué that talks had achieved "real progress" and called on mediators to compel Israel to halt ceasefire violations. Two Egyptian sources, however, indicated that negotiations had ended inconclusively, with disarmament remaining the main sticking point. On June 12, 2026, a scheduled meeting between Hamas and Mladenov was deferred due to insufficient progress. Finally, on June 13, 2026, the formal response was submitted to the mediators.
The Week of June 14–20: The Ball in the US-Israel Court
On June 17, 2026, Hamas announced via the Anadolu Agency a "broad consensus" with mediators on implementing Phase 2 of the ceasefire plan, noting that discussions had addressed the Palestinian arms question "in a logical and acceptable approach for all parties." This deliberately vague communiqué leaves open the question of what "acceptable" means concretely on point 8.
With the formal response having been transmitted to mediators for presentation to the American administration and the Israeli occupation government, the ball is now, for the first time in weeks, in the US-Israeli court. It is for Washington and Tel Aviv to respond to a Palestinian position that — whatever its structural inadequacy on the key disarmament point — represents an unprecedented convergence of Gaza factions on 14 points of a roadmap.
What Hamas's Position Reveals About Its Deeper Nature
Organizational Survival Above All
Beyond the fine print of clauses 1–15, one must name the deep political reality underlying the disarmament refusal. Hamas is a political and military organization whose internal legitimacy — with its base, with other factions, with the Palestinian street — rests precisely on its capacity for armed resistance. Disarming means ceasing to be Hamas as it has defined itself since its founding in 1987. It potentially opens the door to dissolution or marginalization that would end the organization as the dominant political force in Gaza.
The successive assassinations of military and political cadres by Israel since October 7, 2023 have already considerably weakened the organization. Ismail Haniyeh, Yahya Sinwar, Izz Al Haddad, Mohammed Awda — leaders follow one another and fall under Israeli strikes. According to The National News, Hamas has realized that Israel will not cease assassinating its cadres until it has eliminated all those linked to the planning and execution of October 7, 2023. In this context, surrendering weapons amounts to yielding to an organization that is destroying it from the outside while demanding capitulation from within.
Hamas and the Political Future of Palestinians
Hamas's central argument on disarmament nonetheless extends beyond organizational survival to embrace — at least rhetorically — a broader political dimension. The organization systematically conditions any disarmament on "opening a political pathway toward a Palestinian state." According to sources cited by the Straits Times on June 15, 2026, Hamas "links full disarmament to the launch of a political pathway toward a Palestinian state." This conditionality transforms the disarmament question into one of political vision: as long as no credible prospect of a Palestinian state exists, Hamas refuses to become a disarmed civilian organization.
Israel, for its part, demands that Hamas "disarm, cede power in Gaza, and play no role in the enclave's future." These two positions are structurally incompatible without a bilateral political framework on the Palestinians' future — a framework the Trump plan does not provide in its current formulation. The plan makes no mention of a Palestinian state, does not prejudge the final political status, and focuses exclusively on post-Hamas transitional governance. It is a security and humanitarian response to a political and existential question.
The Consequences of Failure: The Specter of Resumed Fighting
Alarming Signals of New Escalation
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If negotiations fail to advance on point 8, the consequences could be catastrophic. Several alarm signals are already visible. Israeli territorial expansion toward 70% of Gaza goes beyond ceasefire terms and is dangerously approaching a threshold that some analysts consider the point of no return for a return to open hostilities. According to The National News, Netanyahu has already ordered his army to prepare this expansion — a decision mediators described as a potentially triggering signal for a return to combat.
The human toll of a return to large-scale fighting would be devastating. Gaza is already a territory of 73,000 dead, with infrastructure more than 70% destroyed, according to UN estimates. A new wave of intense combat would add tens of thousands, perhaps hundreds of thousands of additional casualties. Hospitals are operating beyond capacity, access to clean water is limited, the humanitarian situation described by OCHA as "volatile and insecure" would become catastrophic in the literal sense.
The Risk of Lasting Security Vacuum
Failure in negotiations also risks producing a lasting security vacuum in Gaza. If Hamas is neither disarmed nor replaced by a credible authority, if the NCAG remains blocked outside the territory, if humanitarian aid remains insufficient, and if the International Stabilization Force is not deployed, Gaza will continue to exist in the chronic non-governance state that has historically benefited the most radical actors. This scenario is the exact opposite of the stated objectives of Trump, Mladenov, Israel, and Arab mediators.
According to Al-Ahram Online, since the start of the war in October 2023, more than 73,000 Palestinians have been killed and more than 173,200 wounded. A total resumption of combat would add to this already unbearable toll. For the West, which bears a historical responsibility in building the current peace framework, allowing negotiations to fail on point 8 without alternatives would be not only a diplomatic defeat but a foreseeable humanitarian calamity.
Conclusion: 14 Out of 15, or the Art of Saying Yes While Saying No to What Matters
An Insufficient but Non-Negligible Diplomatic Outcome
Hamas's response to the Mladenov roadmap — 14 out of 15 points accepted — is an ambiguous diplomatic outcome. On one hand, it represents an unprecedented degree of convergence between Gaza's armed Palestinian factions and a Western peace plan. On the other, the one rejected point is precisely the one around which everything else pivots: without disarmament, there is no complete Israeli withdrawal, no International Stabilization Force deployment, no effective reconstruction, no political future for Palestinians in Gaza. The 15th point is not a detail — it is the keystone of the entire edifice.
The international community must now decide whether it accepts this "near-agreement" as the basis for deeper negotiation on disarmament — with real, verifiable Israeli counterparts — or allows point 8 to become the graveyard of yet another Gaza peace attempt. The history of this conflict is strewn with near-agreements that did not follow through because one key condition was not met. Western actors supporting this process must not allow themselves to be lulled by the partial satisfaction of the 14 accepted points.
Time Works Against Everyone — Except the Extremists
In this type of conflict, paralysis and the status quo are never neutral. They systematically benefit the most radical actors, who have nothing to gain from an agreement and everything to lose from peace. Every week of deadlock on disarmament is a week that the hardest factions — Islamic Jihad, local militias — use to rearm, restructure, and extend their influence in the shadow zones of Gaza governance. Every Israeli strike that violates the ceasefire is additional fuel for the rhetoric of permanent armed resistance.
The window for a viable agreement on Gaza is narrowing. The dynamic of the US-Iran deal could temporarily create favorable conditions if Tehran withdraws its support from Islamic Jihad as part of a broader normalization. But that window is narrow and uncertain. What is certain, however, is that an agreement that leaves the disarmament point unresolved will merely delay the inevitable: a new confrontation, in an even more devastated Gaza, with even more radical actors, and a civilian population even more exhausted and traumatized.
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Cite this article
Maxime Marquette (2026). BREAKDOWN: Hamas Says Yes to 14 of 15 Points — Disarmament, the Knot That Blocks Everything. MadMax. https://mad-max.co/en/article/analyse-hamas-dit-oui-a-14-points-sur-15-le-desarmement-le-nud-qui-bloque-tout
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