FIELD REPORT: Trump Militarizes America — The National Guard Is Here to Stay

Soldiers in the Streets, Democracy Under Strain

Since August 2025, thousands of troops from the United States National Guard have been patrolling the streets of Washington D.C. What was framed as a temporary measure — a few weeks to "restore order" in the federal capital — has become a de facto permanent deployment, with no clear end date, no solid legislative mandate, and an exploding price tag. In the summer of 2026, President Donald Trump plans to bring troop numbers to 5,000 for the 250th anniversary of American independence. This is no longer a security operation. It is a political occupation.

Simultaneously, in Portland, Oregon, a legal battle of unusual intensity pitted the federal district court, the Ninth Circuit, and the Trump administration against each other over the deployment of National Guard troops in a city that refused to be militarized. Judge Karin Immergut held the line. The Ninth Circuit wavered. The administration ultimately retreated from Portland — then shifted to a broader strategy to entrench its presence in D.C. This report traces, with figures and court rulings in hand, how Trump is turning American cities into laboratories for military governance.

The Paradox of a Necessary Evil

Let's be clear about something. Trump is a political phenomenon the West must engage with, not ignore. His firmness on crime, his refusal to be naive about external threats — Russia, China, Iran, North Korea — represents a posture that some European democracies could learn from. But strength does not justify everything. Sending soldiers to patrol a democratic capital, without a clear legal basis, in defiance of American federalism and states' rights, is playing with matches in a constitutional powder keg.

What Trump is doing in Washington D.C. — and what he attempted in Portland — is not security policy. It is a demonstration of power. It is spectacle politics dressed up as a state of emergency. And the facts, coldly, bear that out: according to a report from the Niskanen Center published in June 2026, the deployment of more than 2,000 soldiers in Washington since August 2025 had "no measurable effect on violent crime."

I need to be honest here: I am not reflexively anti-Trump. I believe in firmness. I believe in law and order. But when I read that 2,000 soldiers are costing $1.5 million per day in Washington and have only reduced petty opportunistic theft in tourist zones, I find myself asking whether this isn't simply a permanent piece of theater for the electoral base. And that, I'm sorry, is a drain on the Republic — not a security policy.

The Executive Order and Its Contested Foundations

It began on August 11, 2025, when Trump signed a presidential memorandum declaring a criminal emergency in Washington D.C. Under executive orders 14339 and 14333, he mobilized roughly 2,000 National Guard troops from the district and eight other states — Ohio, South Carolina, Georgia, West Virginia, Alabama, Louisiana, and Mississippi. Simultaneously, he temporarily federalized the district's Metropolitan Police — an unprecedented step in recent American history.

The official justification? Washington was, according to Trump, "being held hostage by violent gangs, bloodthirsty criminals, feral packs of drugged-up youths, and homeless people." Those words, cited by Portland's official city website, read like pure demagoguery. District police department data showed that violent crime was already declining before the soldiers arrived — a trend that had begun from the 2023 peak, entirely independent of any military intervention.

A Mission Called "Make DC Safe and Beautiful"

The Joint Task Force-District of Columbia named the operation "Make DC Safe and Beautiful" — a label that sounds more like a marketing campaign than a military mission order. On the ground, soldiers patrol tourist areas, metro stations, and parks — spaces with low rates of violent crime. They cannot make arrests. They can only temporarily detain suspects while awaiting the arrival of local or federal officers.

The federalization of the Metropolitan Police ended on September 10, 2025. But the soldiers stayed. And kept staying. The administration extended its orders once through November 30, then through February 28, 2026, on the directive of Secretary of War Pete Hegseth, per a document reviewed by the Associated Press. In January 2026, a new memo signed by Army Secretary Dan Driscoll extended the deployment through the end of 2026. And in May 2026, Trump declared at a Cabinet meeting: "We're going to keep them."

That phrase — "We're going to keep them" — echoes in my mind as a declaration of permanent intent. Not an emergency measure. Not a response to a crisis. A policy of military presence in a democratic capital, decided unilaterally by an executive who did not seek Congressional approval. That is precisely the kind of drift I cannot defend, even while acknowledging that Trump has security instincts I otherwise respect.

$1.5 Million Per Day, Zero Effect on Violence

The Congressional Budget Office, a nonpartisan institution, estimated that the National Guard deployment in Washington was costing approximately $1.5 million per day, according to data reported by NPR in May 2026. With the "summer surge" set to bring troop numbers to 5,000, that cost is expected to double — roughly $3 million per day, or $100 million per month. The total cost of deployments across all cities (Washington, Memphis, Portland, Los Angeles, Chicago, New Orleans) was estimated at $496 million between June and December 2025.

The Niskanen Center report, published in early June 2026 and picked up by the Military Times, drives the point home: the average daily cost per National Guard soldier is $607, compared to $384 for a Metropolitan Police officer. For identical or inferior results. The only documented improvement: a 24% reduction in opportunistic theft in tourist zones over the first six months. Violent crime was already on a downward trajectory before the soldiers arrived, and the deployment had no effect on that trend. The report concluded that a targeted mobilization of Metropolitan Police officers could have achieved comparable results "at a fraction of the cost."

Soldiers in the Wrong Places for the Wrong Crimes

The Niskanen Center report identifies a structural contradiction in the Trump strategy: soldiers were deployed in high-media-visibility areas — tourist corridors, transit hubs — not in high-violent-crime neighborhoods. A uniformed presence deters pickpockets and opportunistic thieves. It does not deter disputes between individuals with preexisting connections, which constitute the bulk of violent crime in Washington.

The White House responded by calling the analysis "disconnected from reality," written by "keyboard warriors" seeking to "undermine" Trump's agenda. Spokeswoman Abigail Jackson claimed the Safe and Beautiful Task Force had "transformed Washington from a crime-ridden city into a safe and beautiful haven." These claims, repeated relentlessly, contradict data published by the American government itself. In November 2025, two National Guard soldiers were shot at Farragut West metro station, a few blocks from the White House. The projected safety was not the real safety.

There is something deeply troubling about an administration that uses overall crime decline figures — a national and local trend that predates the deployment — to justify a military presence of exorbitant cost and limited effectiveness. That is not evidence-based policy. It is image-based policy. And the American taxpayer is picking up the tab.

ICE, Protesters, and the First Deployment Order

On September 28, 2025, the State of Oregon and the City of Portland filed a federal lawsuit against Trump and Hegseth, challenging the planned deployment of 200 Oregon National Guard members around an Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) detention facility in the Lindquist building area. Trump justified the action by claiming he wanted to "protect war-ravaged Portland and our ICE facilities besieged by Antifa and other domestic terrorists," according to Democracy Docket.

The reality documented by local authorities was quite different. Portland police had for months been managing largely peaceful and sparsely attended demonstrations near the same ICE facility. Oregon Attorney General Dan Rayfield would summarize the case bluntly after Judge Immergut's ruling: "Portland is not in the state of crisis Trump describes." The lawsuit invoked violations of the Tenth Amendment (states' rights), the Posse Comitatus Act (restricting military use in domestic law enforcement), and the Administrative Procedure Act.

Judge Immergut Holds the Line

On October 4, 2025, federal district judge Karin Immergut granted an initial temporary injunction blocking the federalization of the Oregon National Guard. The next day, she issued a second, broader order prohibiting the deployment of any National Guard unit — including troops from other states — into Oregon. When the administration attempted to circumvent this by routing 300 California National Guard soldiers toward Portland, the judge blocked that maneuver too.

On October 20, 2025, a three-judge Ninth Circuit panel authorized, by a 2-1 vote, the resumption of the federalization — but the administration remained blocked by Immergut's second order. Then, on October 28, 2025, the Ninth Circuit voted to rehear the case en banc with all 29 active judges, vacating the panel decision. On November 7, Immergut granted a permanent injunction. On December 31, 2025, Trump announced the end of federalizations in Oregon. Portland's legal battle was won by the states. But the war for institutions continues elsewhere.

What happened in Portland is a lesson in institutional resistance that should be taught in law schools around the world. A federal judge, alone against the most powerful executive apparatus on the planet, held. She used exactly the tools democracy had given her. And it worked. But how many Judge Immerguts remain in a judiciary that Trump is actively trying to reshape in his image?

A Divided Panel, a Decisive En Banc

The Ninth Circuit — United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit — is the federal appellate court covering nine Western states, including Oregon and California. It is also the court the Trump administration has most frequently targeted, labeling it a "liberal court" and seeking to challenge unfavorable rulings. In the case of State of Oregon v. Trump (dockets 25-6268 and 25-7194), the judicial journey was extraordinarily complex.

The initial three-judge panel had ruled 2-1 in favor of the administration on October 20, 2025, temporarily permitting the federalization. But on October 28, a majority of the court's 29 active judges voted for en banc review, vacating the panel decision. Chief Judge Mary H. Murguia announced the expanded review order. That signal was strong: it indicated that the court's majority judged the panel's initial ruling raised questions significant enough — or erroneous enough — to warrant deliberation by the entire judicial body.

The Motion to Withdraw and Its Implications

Paradoxically, after announcing on December 31, 2025 the end of Oregon federalizations, the Trump administration filed on January 27, 2026 a motion to withdraw its own appeal before the Ninth Circuit. It sought to close the case without a ruling on the merits, thereby avoiding a potentially adverse en banc decision that would set a binding precedent on the scope of presidential power in this area. On February 17, 2026, the Ninth Circuit granted the motion to dismiss — but the case did not disappear entirely: the November 7 permanent injunction remains on the record, and major constitutional questions remain unanswered.

As of June 2026, per Ninth Circuit records, the case State of Oregon v. Trump still appears on the list of pending en banc matters, with the subject matter described as: appeal from the district court's permanent injunction prohibiting Hegseth, the Department of Defense, Noem, and the Department of Homeland Security from enforcing certain memoranda federalizing and deploying National Guard members in Oregon. The battle is not over. It is suspended.

The Trump administration had the tactical intelligence to withdraw from Portland before an en banc ruling could set a durable constitutional limit on its powers. That's judicial judo: lose the battle to avoid losing the war. But that tactical shrewdness should not obscure the reality: hundreds of soldiers were mobilized for an operation that cost taxpayers at least $26 million, for protests that local police were already handling without difficulty.

An Unprecedented Amicus Brief Against Washington

In May 2026, a coalition of 26 states filed an amicus curiae brief before the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals in the case District of Columbia v. Trump. This filing, backed by three governors and twenty-three attorneys general — including those of Arizona, California, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Hawaii, Illinois, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Nevada, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, North Carolina, Oregon, Rhode Island, Vermont, Virginia, Washington, and Wisconsin — constitutes one of the most significant interstate legal mobilizations in recent American history against a sitting president.

Maryland Attorney General Anthony Brown summed up the coalition's position: "President Trump illegally deployed the National Guard in Washington D.C. for political theater, not public safety. Our office will continue to defend the rule of law against illegal efforts to use military power to police American communities." The Constitutional Accountability Center, in its own amicus brief, advanced two central legal arguments: first, the president lacks the authority to use district National Guard troops to create his own police force; second, he lacks the authority to bring National Guard soldiers from other states into Washington to perform law enforcement functions.

Federalism Threatened From Above

The question of federalism lies at the heart of this debate. The United States was founded on a delicate balance between federal and state power. The National Guard is a hybrid institution: in peacetime, it operates under governors' command. When federalized under Title 10 of the United States Code, the president can take control — but under precise conditions established by Congress. What the Trump administration attempted in Portland — and maintained in Washington — represents an expansive, arguably abusive, interpretation of those provisions.

Republican governors who provided troops for the Washington deployment played along. But Democratic governors, several of whom actively fought the initiative in court, raise a fundamental question: if the president can seize a state's National Guard against that state's wishes, the Tenth Amendment — which reserves to states the powers not delegated to the federal government — becomes a dead letter.

What genuinely concerns me is not so much Trump himself as the precedent he is creating. American institutions — separation of powers, federalism, judicial independence — are the pillars of a democracy the Western world has admired for two centuries. Every time an executive pushes them to their limits without being called to account, those pillars weaken a little more. And when a less scrupulous, less constrained successor arrives, those pillars will already have been eroded.

America 250 as a Pretext for Expanded Military Presence

July 4, 2026 is approaching, along with the celebrations of America's 250th anniversary of independence — dubbed "America 250" or "Freedom 250." The Trump administration is using this event to justify a "summer surge" that will bring troops in Washington from 2,800 to 5,000. By June 2026, the deployment had already surpassed 4,000 personnel, per an update from a National Guard spokesman. The daily cost is expected to reach approximately $3 million.

On May 25, 2026, NPR reported that officials had not specified when this "surge" would end, or whether troop numbers would return to current levels after the summer. An official source from Joint Task Force-DC told NPR it "does not provide specific troop movements or dates for operational security reasons, but that soldiers will be arriving in the district throughout the summer to support Freedom 250 events." That vagueness about duration is characteristic of a deployment that never intended to define itself as temporary.

A Presence That Targets 2029

The logic of permanence has been confirmed by sources within the administration. In March 2026, ABC News reported that the Pentagon was considering maintaining a National Guard presence in Washington through early 2029 — the end of Trump's second term. A plan had reportedly been finalized internally and was awaiting Hegseth's signature. A spokesman for the "Department of War" — Trump's new name for the Department of Defense — stated: "The Department of War is committed to supporting the President's mission to address the crime epidemic in our nation's capital. There is no announcement to make at this time."

The term "Department of War" — Department of War — resonates as a heavy semantic signal. The United States had renamed its military ministry the "Department of Defense" after World War II, precisely to mark a break with the bellicose mindset of the first half of the 20th century. The return to the "War" label, combined with the deployment of soldiers in American cities, outlines a governing philosophy that deserves to be named for what it is: the militarization of domestic politics.

When I read that the Pentagon is already planning a military presence in Washington through 2029, I stop seeing a response to an emergency and start seeing a strategy for permanent transformation. This is not an administration responding to a crisis — it is an administration building the structural conditions for a military presence in a civilian capital. History teaches us that this kind of drift, once normalized, is extraordinarily difficult to reverse.

Mayor Bowser, Washington D.C., and the Loss of Local Sovereignty

Washington D.C. has a unique constitutional status: it is not a state. The president is therefore the direct commander of the district's National Guard. This constitutional anomaly — inherited from the Founding Fathers, who wanted the federal capital outside any single state's control — now works against the district's residents. Mayor Muriel Bowser repeatedly stated that she did not believe the National Guard should be used to enforce local laws. She called the deployment an overreach of the military's mission.

But her legal options are limited. The district is not a state. It cannot invoke the Tenth Amendment as Oregon did. Its only legal avenue was to have the district's Attorney General pursue direct litigation against Trump — the District of Columbia v. Trump case — now before the D.C. Circuit. A trial court had granted the district a preliminary injunction. The Trump administration appealed. The coalition of 26 states filed its brief in support of the district. The outcome of that appeal will determine whether Washington can force a troop withdrawal or is condemned to host them indefinitely.

Residents and Local Officials Living Under Occupation

Beyond the law, the daily lives of Washington residents are marked by this omnipresent military presence. Soldiers in camouflage gear patrol parks, metro stations, and commercial corridors. They collect trash, spread mulch — community service activities designed to project a positive image of the operation while maintaining the presence. National Guard members cannot arrest anyone. In the event of an incident, they must wait for a police or federal officer to arrive.

The political cost to Trump is difficult to assess. In the June 2026 primaries for district local elections, the military deployment, DOGE-driven reductions in federal employment, and the rising tide of federal enforcement crackdowns became central themes, per the Washington Times. But Washington D.C. is a Democratic stronghold: voters who oppose it have no direct mechanism to constrain the federal administration. Their only leverage is judicial.

There is a profound irony in the fact that Washington D.C. residents — who pay federal taxes, who live at the very heart of American government — are precisely those with the fewest options against an executive imposing a military occupation on them. No senators, no voting representatives in Congress, no governor. That democratic asymmetry is a constitutional disgrace that Trump did not create but exploits with accomplished cynicism.

Testing the Limits, City by City

The Portland case fits into a broader Trump administration strategy: testing the constitutional limits of presidential authority in cities with Democratic governance. After Washington, the National Guard was deployed in Memphis and New Orleans — in states with Republican governors, simplifying the chain of command. Attempts to deploy in Portland, Chicago, and Los Angeles ran into legal battles.

Portland was the most emblematic test case because it involved the federalization of an unwilling state's National Guard. By taking control of 200 Oregon National Guard soldiers against the will of Governor Tina Kotek, Trump invoked a Title 10 provision permitting federalization to "protect federal personnel and property." Opponents argued this provision was being weaponized to circumvent governors' authority. The cost of this legal exercise: at least $26 million for troops kept on standby for weeks, never actually deployed, per a CBO report requested by Senator Jeff Merkley and cited by OPB.

The Posse Comitatus Act: A Constitutional Lock Under Strain

The Posse Comitatus Act of 1878 prohibits using the regular military for domestic law enforcement operations. The National Guard, technically, is exempt from this restriction when mobilized under state authority — but the rules change when it is federalized under Title 10. It is precisely on that boundary that the Trump administration chose to fight, seeking to establish that the president can mobilize the National Guard for domestic security operations without being constrained by the 1878 law.

Oregon won that round. But the administration carefully avoided having a definitive Ninth Circuit en banc ruling set a binding precedent. By withdrawing the appeal before the full court could rule, it preserved its legal ambiguity — leaving open the possibility of attempting the same maneuver in another city, in different circumstances. Democracy Docket, tracking the case in real time, notes that the matter remains open on certain procedural angles.

I recognize the line is thin between a government that maintains order and a government that militarizes order. But when the evidence shows that the military presence has not reduced violence, the cost is astronomical, and the strategy consists of testing constitutional limits city by city — then this is no longer security. It is precedent-building. And precedents, once established, belong to all successors, including those who come with far worse intentions.

The Military in Cities: A Break with Republican Tradition

The American tradition since the founding of the Republic is clear: the military has no place in civilian law enforcement. The Posse Comitatus Act of 1878 is no historical accident — it was the direct response to abuses during Reconstruction, when federal troops occupied Southern states. The idea that soldiers equipped with military weapons should patrol American streets to combat ordinary crime is a rupture with two centuries of republican doctrine in the constitutional sense of the term.

Even Republican voices have expressed reservations. The conservative magazine The New American published an analysis in June 2026 titled "Little Crime Benefit, Big Constitutional Cost," documenting the Niskanen Center data and raising questions about the deployment's constitutionality. Even among Second Amendment supporters and self-defense advocates, the idea of a permanent military presence in cities is perceived as excessive state intrusion.

The Risk of Normalization and Escalation

Political philosopher Timothy Snyder, in his book On Tyranny, identifies as one of the first signs of authoritarian drift the act of "becoming accustomed to the symbols of repression." Soldiers in camouflage in the streets of a democratic capital are a powerful symbol. The first week, media cover it. The second, it becomes a side note. The third, it is part of the city's backdrop. The normalization of urban military presence may be the most insidious danger of the Trump initiative — more than the crime statistics or the dollars spent.

And if the trend continues — 5,000 soldiers in Washington for summer 2026, plans through 2029, deployments in Memphis and New Orleans — other cities could follow. Baltimore, New York, San Francisco, and Oakland have already been cited by Democracy Docket as potential targets for future deployments. Every new city deployed reinforces the precedent. Every precedent makes the next one easier. That is the logic of institutional escalation.

I don't think Trump is a dictator. I think he is a pragmatic populist leader who uses available tools to maximize his political power and satisfy his electoral base. But history teaches us that tools created by well-intentioned leaders can be used by less scrupulous successors. And that is precisely why I defend institutions — not because they are perfect, but because they are the only bulwark we have.

Transatlantic Allies Face a Self-Militarizing America

For NATO's European allies, images of soldiers patrolling the streets of Washington send an ambiguous signal. America remains indispensable to the West's collective security. Its military power, its network of alliances, its role as guarantor of the liberal international order — nothing can replace it in the short term. But an America that militarizes domestically, that questions its own democratic institutions, is also an America whose credibility as a champion of democracy is eroding.

Vladimir Putin, Xi Jinping, Iran's Revolutionary Guards, and Kim Jong-un are watching. Each can invoke the soldiers in Washington's streets to justify their own repressive practices. Every time Trump weakens an American institution, he hands authoritarian regimes an additional argument for their claim that liberal democracy is a lie. The militarization of American cities is therefore also a foreign policy question — and a question of soft power.

Democracy Defends Itself by Setting the Example

The West cannot claim to defend Ukrainian democracy against Russian aggression, support pro-democracy movements in Belarus, Iran, or Hong Kong, while simultaneously tolerating without criticism the militarization of a democratic capital's streets — based on a crime emergency that the data itself contests. Moral coherence is a strategic asset. It feeds the West's legitimacy in its struggle against authoritarian regimes.

Criticizing Trump on his attacks on institutions is not anti-American. It is pro-democratic. It is distinguishing between necessary security policy — which even left-wing governments must pursue — and authoritarian drift, which always begins with emergency measures presented as temporary and ends up lasting through 2029. The West needs a strong America. But it needs an America strong in its institutions, not only in its armaments.

I sometimes envy the moral clarity of those who see everything in black and white — Trump good or Trump bad, full stop. My position is more uncomfortable: I believe the United States under Trump remains an indispensable pillar of Western security, and I simultaneously believe that what he is doing to American institutions is dangerous for democracy in the long run. That is not a contradiction. It is the complexity of the real world.

A Rigorous Study Against a Political Narrative

The Niskanen Center, a nonpartisan think tank whose analyses are regularly cited across party lines, published an in-depth study in early June 2026 on the effects of the National Guard deployment in Washington. Its findings, picked up by the Military Times, Iowa Public Radio, and numerous other outlets, are unambiguous: the deployment produced "a narrow and real result" — a 24% reduction in opportunistic theft in visible public spaces — but "no measurable effect on violent crime."

The study noted that soldiers were deployed in the wrong places for the wrong types of crime: tourist zones and transit hubs are high-visibility but low-violent-crime areas. Violent crime — assaults, homicides, robberies — is concentrated in residential neighborhoods the soldiers were not patrolling. Furthermore, the overall decline in Washington crime (roughly 25% over a year) follows a national and local trend that predates the deployment, independent of any military presence.

Comparative Efficiency: Police Officers vs. Soldiers

The Niskanen Center study also performed an efficiency comparison that the White House did not directly address: a Washington Metropolitan Police officer costs an average of $384 per day, compared to $607 per day for a National Guard soldier. Police officers can arrest suspects, conduct investigations, and exercise situational judgment when facing an infraction. Soldiers cannot. A targeted mobilization of MPD officers, the report concluded, could have achieved comparable results "at a fraction of the cost."

In June 2026, as the deployment moves toward 5,000 soldiers and a daily cost of $3 million, this data collides head-on with the official narrative. Spokeswoman Abigail Jackson called the study's authors "keyboard warriors." That response, characteristic of the Trump administration when confronted with analyses that contradict its thesis, rebuts none of the data. It ignores it. And meanwhile, the meter runs at $3 million a day.

In my work as a columnist, I've learned to distrust governments that respond to data with insults rather than counterarguments. Calling researchers "keyboard warriors" is the classic sign of an administration with no factual answer to a factual critique. And when $3 million per day is on the line, the absence of a factual answer is itself a political statement.

Pete Hegseth, the Military Architect

Secretary of "War" Pete Hegseth is the central executor of the deployment policy. He signed the successive order extensions in Washington — in September, October, and November 2025, then through end-2026. He ordered and planned the "summer surge." His department requested 1,500 additional soldiers to bring the total to 5,000. And it was he who told Trump at the May 2026 Cabinet meeting that there was "a plan to increase numbers this summer." Hegseth is both the legal legitimizer and the operational enthusiast of urban militarization.

A former Fox News journalist with no prior experience managing a defense department of the Pentagon's scale, Hegseth has adopted a dogmatic posture in the face of institutional criticism. His vision appears to align domestic defense policy with a concept of "street dominance" rather than the classic principles of civil order maintenance. That paradigm shift, if normalized, represents a structural transformation of the relationship between the armed forces and American civil society.

Karin Immergut and Dan Rayfield: The Defenders of Institutions

At the other end, federal district judge Karin Immergut, appointed by President Biden, displayed remarkable judicial resistance in the Portland case. She granted temporary injunctions twice, a preliminary injunction, then a permanent injunction — each time on the basis of rigorous legal analysis of the limits of executive power. Her consistency in the face of the Trump administration's appeals and counter-appeals ultimately forced the administration to abandon Portland.

Likewise, Oregon Attorney General Dan Rayfield led a coherent and effective legal strategy, invoking Title 10, the Posse Comitatus Act, and the Tenth Amendment to construct a legal argument difficult to demolish. These two officials — a federal judge and a state attorney general — embody precisely what democratic institutions are designed to produce: actors capable of resisting political pressure by relying on the law. The West needs more Immerguts and Rayfields.

I want to end this section on a personal note: what struck me most in this story was Karin Immergut's solitude. A judge, alone in her courtroom, facing the most powerful administration in the world. And she held. That reminds me why judicial independence is not an abstract concept — it is a concrete reality, one case at a time, one decision at a time, in courtrooms most people never see.

Lessons From a Battle That Isn't Over

The story of the National Guard deployment in Washington D.C. and Portland is not finished. It is ongoing. In Washington, 4,000 soldiers are patrolling the streets right now, with a target of 5,000 for the summer, and plans extending through 2029. In Portland, Oregon's legal victory did not prevent new deployment attempts and did not establish a definitive precedent — the administration having carefully withdrawn before an en banc ruling could do so. The coalition of 26 states awaits the D.C. Circuit's verdict. Congress, meanwhile, is a spectator.

What this story reveals is the partial but real robustness of American institutions when defended by courageous actors. Judge Immergut. Attorney General Rayfield. Twenty-three coalition attorneys general. These actors used the tools democracy gave them. And in Portland's case, it worked. But they cannot be everywhere, all the time. And institutional erosion is, by definition, a long-term process — too slow for daily headlines to capture it.

The West Must Name What It Sees

Naming things is a political act. Saying Trump is a necessary evil for the West — useful for his firmness toward Putin, Xi Jinping, Tehran — should not exempt anyone from saying, with equal clarity, that deploying soldiers in American cities without a legislative mandate, with no proven effect on violent crime, at a cost of $3 million per day, is an authoritarian drift. These are two simultaneous truths. Holding them together, without erasing one with the other, is the duty of any honest analyst.

American democracy has survived far graver crises than this one. It will probably survive this one too. But it will survive better if voices speak up to say: soldiers have no place in Washington's streets — not because security doesn't matter, but because democracy requires that security be maintained within the rule of law, not outside it. That is the difference between a Republic and an occupation. And that difference is worth defending.

Primary Sources

Military Times — National Guard's DC deployment has had no measurable effect on violent crime, report — June 2, 2026

United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit — Status of Pending En Banc Cases, State of Oregon v. Trump — updated June 2026

WTOP News — Trump says National Guard here to stay in DC — May 28, 2026

Secondary Sources

NPR — DC will host America 250 celebrations and a large deployment of the National Guard — May 31, 2026

Democracy Docket — Oregon National Guard Deployment Challenge, full timeline — updated March 2026

Associated Press — DC National Guard deployment ordered by Trump is extended to Feb. 28 — November 6, 2025

OPB — How the Oregon National Guard is changing under the Trump administration — June 17, 2026

Constitutional Accountability Center — District of Columbia v. Trump — updated May 2026

By Maxime Marquette, columnist

Editorial stance

I am not a journalist but a columnist and analyst. My expertise lies in observing and analysing the geopolitical, economic and strategic dynamics that shape our world. My work is to take political strategies apart, to understand global economic movements, to put the decisions of international actors in context and to offer analytical perspectives on the changes that are redefining our societies.

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