FACTCHECK: Do Sanctions Against Russia Really Work? Verification of Key Figures
On one side, Vladimir Putin tirelessly repeats that Western sanctions haven't changed a thing, that the Russian economy is weathering the storm,
- On one side, Vladimir Putin tirelessly repeats that Western sanctions haven't changed a thing, that the Russian economy is weathering the storm,
- Introduction: The Great Lie Sandwiched Between the Facts
- Two Narratives Clashing for Four Years
Facts, quotes, and cited links remain in the body. Interpretations are framed as analysis or opinion according to the format.
Introduction: The Great Lie Sandwiched Between the Facts
Two Narratives Clashing for Four Years
On one side, Vladimir Putin tirelessly repeats that Western sanctions haven't changed a thing, that the Russian economy is weathering the storm, and that the West is shooting itself in the foot. On the other, European capitals — Paris, Berlin, Brussels — brandish their twenty-one sanction packages as proof that the noose is tightening. Between these two antagonistic narratives, the actual data tells a more nuanced, more complex, but ultimately far more damning story for the Kremlin than it would like to admit. The time has come to take out the magnifying glass and verify, figure by figure, claim by claim.
This factcheck does not pretend to settle a theoretical debate on the general effectiveness of sanctions in international relations. It focuses on a precise and urgent question: in June 2026, are the Western economic sanctions imposed on Russia after February 24, 2022, producing measurable and significant effects on Moscow's war-making capacity? The sources are real, the data is recent, and the answer — as we will see — is both yes, and not yet enough.
Method: Claims vs. Data
The structure of this factcheck is simple: we state a widespread claim, then confront it with the most recent available data. The claims come from both the Russian side — Kremlin propaganda and state media — and Western critics who believe the sanctions are too weak. The data comes from independent organizations: the Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air (CREA), the KSE Institute, the Bank of Russia, the Russian Ministry of Finance itself, and European Union institutions. No invented data, no dubious extrapolations.
The result is a striking picture: Russia is bleeding financially, its economy is contracting for the first time in three years, its budget deficit has exploded, and its shadow fleet on the high seas is now being hunted by British commandos in the English Channel. But the oil is still flowing. Beijing and New Delhi continue to buy. And Moscow has not capitulated. This is the reality.
Claim 1 — "The Russian economy has resisted sanctions well"
What the Kremlin Says
At the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum, held from June 3 to 6, 2026, Vladimir Putin loudly asserted that Western sanctions had hurt the global economy more than Russia. His Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev chimed in early June, stating that Russian GDP had grown by more than 10% in three years. On the surface, some figures seem to support this thesis: growth did indeed reach 4.1% in 2024, driven by massive military spending and energy exports.
But this convenient narrative forgets to mention the essentials: this growth was artificially boosted by a war economy. An economy that now devotes 12% of its GDP to military spending in the first quarter of 2026 — up from the planned 6.2% — is not growing; it is burning through its reserves. This isn't economic development. It is the accelerated consumption of human and financial capital for the benefit of a war machine.
What the Actual Data Says
The verdict from the numbers is clear. In the first quarter of 2026, Russian GDP contracted by 0.2% year-on-year, according to data confirmed by Trading Economics on June 17, 2026 — the first contraction since the first quarter of 2023. The Russian economy shrank in key sectors: manufacturing production fell by 1.5%, professional, scientific, and technical activities by 6.1%, and transportation and storage by 1.8%. The IMF projects growth of only 1.1% for the whole of 2026, compared to 4.1% in 2024. Independent Russian economists foresee only 0.4% growth this year.
The Free Russia Foundation summarizes the situation with cruel precision: the Russian economy is on the brink of recession, budget deficits are breaking all records — even despite the oil windfall caused by the war in the Middle East — and the Central Bank is struggling to curb inflation despite a high-interest-rate policy entering its third consecutive year. VERDICT: FALSE. The Russian economy is not resisting. It is giving way.
Claim 2 — "The price cap on Russian oil was a total failure"
The Argument from Western Critics
Influential voices — particularly in certain American academic and media circles — have long argued that capping the price of Russian oil at $60 per barrel, introduced in December 2022, was a measure that was at best symbolic and at worst counterproductive. The argument: the Russian shadow fleet was gleefully bypassing the mechanism, oil was flowing freely to China and India, and Moscow was pocketing billions without shame. And one must admit there was some truth in this initial criticism.
The reality of 2024-2025 indeed confirmed these weaknesses. Tankers with flags of convenience proliferated. Greek and Maltese insurers turned a blind eye. Monitoring mechanisms were insufficient. But to label this record as a "total failure" in 2026 is to deliberately ignore recent developments in the mechanism and its cumulative effects on Russian finances.
What the 2026 Data Really Reveals
On February 1, 2026, the EU lowered the cap to $44.10 per barrel. Urals oil was trading in April 2026 at $112.3 per barrel — more than double the revised cap — but that doesn't mean the measure is ineffective: it means Russia is bypassing the cap via its shadow fleet, and it is paying a high price for that circumvention. According to CREA, full enforcement of the $44.10 cap would result in a 46% reduction in oil revenues, roughly 6.7 billion euros per month. And if the proposed $30 cap were applied, the cumulative loss from December 2022 to the end of April 2026 would reach 184 billion euros.
The reality is that 54% of Russian seaborne crude exports in April 2026 were carried by sanctioned shadow tankers — an all-time record level according to CREA. The EU adopted its 20th sanction package in April 2026, and the European Commission proposed the 21st package on June 9, 2026, specifically targeting the shadow fleet, tanker services, and crypto-platforms used for circumvention. On June 15, 2026, a mini-package was adopted, targeting 40 individuals and 47 entities linked to the Russian military-industrial complex and the shadow fleet ecosystem. VERDICT: PARTIALLY TRUE. The initial cap was insufficient. The pressure is mounting.
Claim 3 — "Russian oil revenues have collapsed"
A Claim That Deserves Nuance
Ukrainian officials and certain monitoring NGOs have sometimes presented data from the early months of 2026 — particularly January-February, a period of very low oil revenues — as proof of a definitive collapse. According to The Moscow Times, citing Reuters, Russian oil and gas revenues fell by nearly 50% year-on-year in January-February 2026, reaching a five-year low. For 2025 as a whole, these revenues totaled approximately 8.7 trillion rubles instead of the predicted 11.6 trillion. Devastating figures, on the surface.
But the reality of 2026 is more volatile. The closure of the Strait of Hormuz triggered by the American-Israeli war against Iran caused global oil prices to soar by 68% in two days. In March 2026, Russian oil export revenues jumped to $19 billion — almost double that of February. The KSE Institute documents a monthly increase of $9.3 billion. An unexpected geostrategeic windfall for Moscow.
The Actual Structure of Russian Fossil Fuel Revenues in 2026
The numerical reality is one of extreme volatility dictated by factors Moscow does not control. In April 2026, Russian fossil fuel revenues stood at 734 million euros per day, the highest in two and a half years — but down 9% compared to March. China (49% of crude exports), India (37% of crude exports), and Turkey (26% of oil product exports) constitute the triumvirate of shadow buyers, allowing Moscow to maintain its exports despite Western sanctions. Yet even the EU remains, paradoxically, the largest buyer of Russian LNG with 49% of total exports — an anomaly the 21st sanction package aims to correct.
The factual conclusion: oil revenues have not "collapsed" in a linear and definitive way. They are deeply unstable, dependent on regional crises external to Putin, and structurally threatened by the progressive tightening of sanctions. VERDICT: EXAGGERATED. Revenues fell but rebounded because of Iran. The underlying trend is negative, but not collapsed.
Claim 4 — "The Russian budget deficit proves Russia is at the end of its rope"
The Real Figures of the Financial Abyss
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Russian budget data for 2026 is staggering in its severity. In just five months — January to May 2026 — the federal deficit reached 6.01 trillion rubles, or 2.6% of GDP and one and a half times the annual target of 3.8 trillion. Meduza, Bloomberg, and the Free Russia Foundation converge on these figures drawn directly from the Russian Ministry of Finance. To give a sense of scale: this five-month deficit already exceeds the total annual deficit of 2025 (5.6 trillion rubles), which had itself alarmed economists.
The poisoned cherry on top: this record deficit occurred despite the oil windfall from the war in Iran. The additional revenues from the price surge were not enough to offset the avalanche of military spending. The Russian government spent 17.6 trillion rubles against revenues of 11.7 trillion over the first four months — which concretely means that one in every three rubles spent was not financed by tax revenue. The Russian Central Bank had to lower its key rate to 14.25% on June 19, 2026, less than markets expected, signaling cracks in monetary policy.
The Limits of This Argument
But the "end of the rope" argument deserves to be tempered. The Kremlin prepared for this war long ago: it entered the conflict with a very low debt-to-GDP ratio. The National Wealth Fund — the sovereign wealth fund — has melted, now holding only 3.41 trillion rubles ($48 billion) in liquid assets, which is 76% less than the deficit of the first five months of 2026. However, the government still has room to maneuver: tax hikes, bond issuances on the domestic market, and cuts in civilian spending. What Putin's financial advisors are telling him in private — according to Bloomberg — is that the current pace is unsustainable. It isn't catastrophic yet. But it will become so. VERDICT: LARGELY TRUE. The trajectory is unsustainable according to the Kremlin's own experts.
Claim 5 — "Russian military spending is sustainable"
The Kremlin Wants to Believe It, the Numbers Say Otherwise
Moscow allocated 16.84 trillion rubles to the military and security sector in the 2026 budget — nearly 40% of the total federal budget, or $238 billion. But according to RBC-Ukraine and Bloomberg, even this record funding is proving insufficient. The Ministry of Defense is requesting an additional 3 to 5 trillion rubles in 2026, which would bring actual military spending to nearly 41-45% of the total budget. Figures from researcher Janis Kluge of the German Institute for International and Security Affairs are striking: in the first quarter of 2026, Russian military spending reached 12% of GDP — compared to the planned 6.2% — at a total cost of 5.91 trillion rubles ($83.2 billion). 2.7 billion rubles per hour, $916 million per day.
Senior officials at the Ministry of Finance and the Central Bank have warned Putin, privately according to Bloomberg, about the unsustainable nature of this spending. War financing is driving the budget deficit to dangerous levels. Siluanov publicly acknowledged at the St. Petersburg Forum that the 2026 deficit would exceed forecasts. The Russian government even passed a law in June 2026 allowing increased spending and borrowing without public parliamentary debate — a silent signal of panic.
The Spiral of Internal Debt
To bridge this gap, Moscow is moving toward a massive increase in borrowing on the domestic market — estimated at an additional 2 to 3 trillion rubles — even though servicing existing debt already costs 4 trillion rubles per year, which is 9% of the federal budget and the fifth largest expenditure item. China — contrary to Moscow's expectations — has not opened its capital markets to Russia, according to the CEPA report published in early June 2026. Chinese banks are avoiding sanction risks. Moscow cannot borrow externally. So it borrows from its own citizens at negative real rates, in a context of inflation reaching 7 to 8% in 2026 according to the Central Bank. VERDICT: FALSE. The Kremlin's own financial experts admit this is unsustainable.
Claim 6 — "The shadow fleet is out of control"
The Reality of the Shadows on the Seas
The Russian shadow fleet — that collection of more than 700 tankers with dubious flags, without proper insurance, and often aging — is very real and very active. It carries 75% of sanctioned Russian oil according to the British MoD. In April 2026, sanctioned shadow tankers accounted for 54% of Russian seaborne fossil fuel exports — an all-time record according to CREA. The fleet now includes ships that carry a mix of Russian and Iranian oil under Cameroonian, Togolese, or Panamanian flags, disabling their AIS transponders at various stops.
But to call this fleet "out of control" implies that Westerners are doing nothing to target it. Yet, as of April 24, 2026, 651 tankers had been jointly sanctioned by the United States, the United Kingdom, the EU, Australia, Canada, and New Zealand according to the KSE Institute. The EU's 21st package proposes adding another 30 vessels to the list of 632 already sanctioned, and — a major innovation — targeting for the first time support vessels for the shadow fleet: fuel bunkering vessels and service providers.
Operation Smyrtos: A Strategic Turning Point
On the night of June 14 to 15, 2026, British Royal Marines commandos rappelled from Chinook helicopters onto the deck of the tanker Smyrtos in the middle of the English Channel, supported by a Royal Navy vessel and RAF fighters. In a six-hour operation, they took control of the ship — which had left the Russian port of Ust-Luga on June 5, carrying 700,000 barrels of Russian oil. The Smyrtos, formerly the Myrtos, had changed its name and flag twice since being placed under sanctions in July 2025. A 38-year-old Indian national was arrested for violating sanctions. It is the first time in history that British armed forces have boarded and detained a vessel from the Russian shadow fleet.
Prime Minister Keir Starmer stated the operation was "a warning that those who support Putin's war cannot escape the consequences." Zelensky publicly thanked London for "this crucial step against the Russian oil fleet." France had already conducted a similar operation with British support, and further operations are planned according to the MoD. VERDICT: PARTIALLY TRUE. The shadow fleet is powerful, but it is now being actively hunted.
Claim 7 — "China is saving Russia from sanctions"
Beijing as a Lifeline — A More Complex Reality
China has indeed become Russia's primary trading partner since 2022, and its role in bypassing sanctions is documented. In April 2026, Beijing imported 5.5 billion euros worth of Russian crude oil, representing 49% of Russia's crude exports. Chinese companies provide electronic components, dual-use semiconductors, and drones. The EU's 21st sanction package targets 50 Chinese companies for helping to circumvent export restrictions to Russia.
However, the Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPA) provides a crucial nuance in its June 2026 report: China has refused to open its capital markets to Russia. Major Chinese banks do not grant loans to Moscow to avoid exposure to American and European secondary sanctions. As a result, Russia cannot finance itself in yuan on international markets, and its access to external capital remains fundamentally blocked. Beijing is helping Moscow survive commercially. It is not offering a financial lifeline.
The Limits of Sino-Russian Solidarity
The EU mini-package adopted on June 15, 2026, perfectly illustrates this new dynamic: among the 87 designated individuals and entities, there are companies established in Azerbaijan, Belarus, China, Hong Kong, Liberia, Turkey, and the United Arab Emirates. Yangjie, a Chinese electronic chip trader supplying the automotive and defense industries, found itself under sanctions, with a limited exemption until December 31, 2026, to allow European companies to find alternatives. The EU is clearly signaling that helping Moscow bypass sanctions is not without risk, even for companies based in Beijing or Dubai. VERDICT: PARTIALLY TRUE. China helps but does not save. Capital markets remain closed to Moscow.
Claim 8 — "Sanctions mainly penalize Europe, not Russia"
The Argument Moscow Loves to Repeat
At the St. Petersburg Forum in June 2026, Putin insisted that sanctions and the freezing of Russian reserves had "irreparably damaged the status of international currencies, the dollar and the euro." He added that sanctions had "harmed the global economy" far more than Russia. This rhetoric finds some echoes in the West: the inflationary fears of 2022-2023, the energy bills of European households, the German manufacturing recession. These are real arguments, but they are instrumentalized.
The reality is that Europe has fundamentally reduced its dependence on Russian gas. CREA documents that clean energy in Europe increased by 14% between 2022 and 2025, allowing the continent to save 5.8 billion euros in electricity costs in 2026. Spain and Portugal reduced their sensitivity to gas prices by 53% thanks to a 74% increase in solar. The EU still imports Russian LNG — 49% of Russian LNG exports are destined for it, which is an anomaly the 21st package wants to correct with a total ban by January 1, 2027 — but the pipelines that fed Germany and Austria with Russian gas are now largely closed.
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The True Comparative Costs
According to data compiled by the EU and Kaja Kallas in late 2025, sanctions have cost Russia an estimated $1.5 trillion in economic impact. Frozen sovereign reserves represent $300 billion definitively out of Moscow's reach. In comparison, Europe suffered temporary energy inflation and a partial recession — painful but absorbed. Economic warfare has a cost for the West: the asymmetry is that for Europe, it is a bearable sacrifice. For Russia, it is a structural hemorrhage. VERDICT: FALSE. The costs are asymmetric. Russia pays a structurally higher price.
Claim 9 — "The twenty sanction packages have changed the military situation"
The Link Between Finances and War Capability
The EU adopted its 20th sanction package on April 23, 2026, with a strong focus on anti-circumvention measures. On June 9, 2026, the 21st package was presented by Ursula von der Leyen, targeting energy, financial services, trade, drones, fisheries, and crypto-assets. On June 15, a mini-package designated 40 individuals and 47 entities. The legislative intensity is real. But does it translate into concrete military impact?
The answer is partially yes. Restrictions on dual-use electronic components have forced the Russian arms industry to restructure. The production of T-72 and T-90 tanks depends on foreign components that Russia can no longer obtain legally. Investigations show Russia resorts to intermediaries in Armenia, Kazakhstan, Serbia, and the UAE to bypass these restrictions — but at a high logistical and financial cost. Reconnaissance drones and cruise missiles still incorporate foreign chips — which the 21st package attempts to target more precisely with export controls on 50 companies in India, China, Turkey, and the UAE.
Falling Recruitment, Sagging Morale
A less visible but crucial indicator: recruitment. Economist Janis Kluge, analyzing regional spending for enlistment bonuses, estimates that new recruits fell by about 20% in the first months of 2026. War is costly in terms of men as much as money, and the spiral of enlistment bonuses — necessary for recruitment in a country that now practices masked conscription — is itself an indicator of the economic pressure exerted by four years of conflict and cumulative sanctions. Total costs of the war since 2022 reach 53.079 trillion rubles, or $746.6 billion, according to Kluge. VERDICT: TRUE BUT INSUFFICIENT. Sanctions are biting militarily, but not fast enough to change the course of the war in the immediate future.
Claim 10 — "Trump is sabotaging sanctions against Russia"
The American Withdrawal from Economic Pressure
The criticism is real and documented. The Trump administration has repeatedly granted exemptions to sanctions against Russia since 2025, notably by renewing exemptions that allow countries buying Russian oil already loaded at sea to continue their transactions. According to Al Jazeera, the United States faced criticism for renewing an exemption allowing nations to buy Russian oil already in transit — a decision driven by energy market volatility following the closure of the Strait of Hormuz. The EU had to compensate by proposing to suspend the automatic adjustment of the oil cap to avoid giving Moscow an unintentional reprieve.
The Trumpian reality on sanctions is a paradox: the Trump administration has publicly presented its approach as a negotiation lever to push Putin toward peace. But in fact, the granted exemptions and reduced pressure on circumvention networks have given Moscow precious windows of breathing room. The Alaska summit between Trump and Putin in August 2025 produced nothing concrete. Meanwhile, Europe has had to increase its own pressure to compensate for American disengagement.
Europe Fills the Void, But With Limits
The EU has clearly chosen to intensify its own pressure while Washington hesitated. The "continuous" sanctions policy — an innovation from June 15, 2026 — shows Brussels resolved not to wait for major packages to target new loopholes. But the maximum effectiveness of the system requires transatlantic coordination. Without the United States, secondary sanctions — which punish third-party companies helping Moscow — lose a large part of their bite. Chinese banks fear Washington, not just Brussels. VERDICT: PARTIALLY TRUE. Trump complicates the task without dismantling the system. Europe is holding on. But transatlantic cohesion remains the sinews of economic war.
Claim 11 — "Russia has found sustainable financial alternatives to Western systems"
De-dollarization and the Yuan: Reality or Illusion?
Since 2022, Russia has massively de-dollarized its economy. Russian banks have switched their assets and liabilities to the yuan. Transactions with China, India, and Turkey are conducted in local currencies or yuan. The government claims to have built a "sovereign" financial system resistant to external shocks. The Moscow Exchange has reoriented its indices. Ruble bonds dominate the domestic market. On the surface, it's an impressive demonstration of systemic resilience.
But the reality is more fragile. The yuan that Russia accumulates cannot be freely invested or borrowed on Chinese capital markets. China refuses to grant Russian issuers access to its sovereign bond markets. Result: Moscow cannot convert its yuan into productive capital or cheap debt. It is trapped in a golden cage. Furthermore, the 11 crypto-platforms targeted by the 21st sanction package illustrate that even the digital financial alternatives Russia uses to bypass restrictions are now in the crosshairs. The SWIFT network remains closed to major Russian banks, and no credible alternative architecture has emerged on a global scale.
Inflation and Rates as Indicators
The Russian Central Bank has maintained its key rate at 14.25% since June 19, 2026 — the highest in decades outside of the 2022 crisis. Official inflation fluctuates between 7 and 8% in 2026 according to the Central Bank itself. These figures are not those of an economy that is "resisting well." They are the signatures of a military-overheated economy, unable to allocate its resources efficiently, torn between war demand and civilian needs, and unable to lower its rates without reigniting inflation. VERDICT: FALSE. Russian financial alternatives are real but structurally insufficient.
Claim 12 — "The noose is really tightening in June 2026"
Concrete Signs of Recent Hardening
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June 2026 indeed marks an acceleration. The mini-package of June 15, 2026 innovates by adopting sanctions on a "continuous" basis rather than in large semi-annual packages — an approach the Commission promised to implement to increase responsiveness. This package designates 87 individuals and entities linked to the Russian military-industrial complex, the shadow fleet, Kremlin propaganda, human rights violations related to the Navalny case, and destabilization operations in Moldova. The targeted entities are based in seven different countries — a sign that transnational circumvention is now actively targeted.
The Bank of Russia itself acknowledged, in its June 19, 2026, statement on the rate decision, that persistent structural budget deficits through 2029 could force it to maintain a more restrictive monetary policy than planned in the baseline scenario. It's not Kaja Kallas saying it. It's the Russian central bank. And the Russian government passed a text in June 2026 allowing for increased borrowing and spending without public debate — which is, in an authoritarian state, a signal of significant financial difficulties they are trying to hide.
What Remains to Be Done for Sanctions to "Win"
Economists and analysts converge on several gaps to be filled. The exemption granted by Washington for Russian oil in transit must end. STS (ship-to-ship) transfers in European waters — representing 209 million euros in April 2026 according to CREA, primarily in Cypriot and Lithuanian waters — must be systematically intercepted. The oil cap must be lowered to $30 as some experts suggest to maximize impact. And above all: the cohesion of the sanctioning coalition must be maintained in the face of Hungarian pressure, Maltese and Greek interests in shipping, and electoral calculations pushing some governments to stall. VERDICT: TRUE. The noose is tightening, but major breaches remain.
Conclusion: The Factual Verdict — Imperfect but Real Sanctions
What the Data Confirms Unambiguously
This factcheck leaves no room for ambiguity on the essential facts. Russia is suffering economically. Its GDP contracted for the first time in three years in the first quarter of 2026. Its budget deficit has already exceeded its annual target by one and a half times in five months. Its National Wealth Fund is nearly empty. Its interest rate is at 14.25% in a context of 7-8% inflation. Its own financial experts warn Putin in private that military spending is unsustainable. These are not pro-Ukrainian assertions: these are the data of Russian institutions themselves, corroborated by Bloomberg, the IMF, the Russian Central Bank, and independent analysts.
At the same time, sanctions are not yet enough to stop the war. Oil continues to flow via the shadow fleet. China and India absorb sanctioned exports. Trump grants exemptions that create breathing room for Moscow. The oil cap is being violated on a large scale due to a lack of strict enforcement. The war in Iran gave the Kremlin an unforeseen windfall that temporarily offset losses. Sanctions are working, but not fast enough.
The Democratic Stake in Factual Truth
Factchecking has a concrete political utility: thwarting dual propagandas simultaneously. The Kremlin's, which denies any effectiveness of sanctions to discourage the West from adopting more. And that of Western defeatists, who too quickly conclude total failure to justify a loosening of pressure. The truth is in the middle, but it clearly leans to one side: sanctions are hurting Russia, and the more the West maintains and hardens the pressure — by closing loopholes, sanctioning complicit third parties, and boarding shadow tankers in the Channel — the more the cost for Putin becomes unsustainable. Economic victory is possible. It requires perseverance, cohesion, and the refusal of the illusion of a negotiated peace that would leave Moscow free to start again.
Signed Maxime Marquette, columnist
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Cite this article
Maxime Marquette (2026). FACTCHECK: Do Sanctions Against Russia Really Work? Verification of Key Figures. MadMax. https://mad-max.co/en/article/factcheck-les-sanctions-contre-la-russie-fonctionnent-elles-vraiment-verificatio-2
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