FACT-CHECK: NATO's 11% European defense spending jump is real but not enough
On July 8, 2026, on the sidelines of the NATO summit in Ankara, the Alliance confirmed a number that quickly spread across social media and European editorial pages: defense spending by Europe and Canada jumped 11% in…
- On July 8, 2026, on the sidelines of the NATO summit in Ankara, the Alliance confirmed a number that quickly spread across social media and European editorial pages: defense spending by Europe and Canada jumped 11% in…
- Introduction: a number that traveled fast, a reality that is harder to swallow
- What NATO's statement actually says
Facts, quotes, and cited links remain in the body. Interpretations are framed as analysis or opinion according to the format.
Introduction: a number that traveled fast, a reality that is harder to swallow
What NATO's statement actually says
On July 8, 2026, on the sidelines of the NATO summit in Ankara, the Alliance confirmed a number that quickly spread across social media and European editorial pages: defense spending by Europe and Canada jumped 11% in 2026, rising from roughly $571 billion in 2025 to nearly $634 billion this year, according to figures relayed by NATO. This is not a rumor or a podium exaggeration. It is an official figure, produced by the Alliance itself at a moment when Donald Trump was demanding tangible proof that his partners were keeping their budgetary promises.
But a serious fact-check never stops at the first line of a press release. That 11% figure is real, verifiable, and deserves to be recognized as such. What it does not say matters just as much: it says nothing about the very low starting point for several countries, nor about the fact that NATO's total spending across the whole Alliance now exceeds $1.8 trillion, a figure that includes the massive weight of the United States. The factual truth here is therefore twofold: the increase is real, but it does not, on its own, close the transatlantic gap that Washington has denounced for years.
Why this number instantly became a political flashpoint
It is no accident that this figure was published exactly one day before the opening of the Ankara summit. NATO needed a number to defuse, at least partially, Trump's repeated criticism of burden-sharing among allies. Rolling out a double-digit increase just before a meeting where the American president was expected to raise Greenland again, along with trade tensions with Spain, was as much diplomacy as it was statistics.
This kind of timing does not make the number false, but it explains why it should be read with the rigor of a verification exercise rather than the enthusiasm of a victory statement. A true statistic, released at the right political moment to produce a precise effect, remains a true statistic. But it must be placed back in context so it does not become an empty slogan.
I believe we should welcome this increase without applauding blindly: eleven percent more on a budget base that is already deeply unequal among European countries does not change the picture overnight. Truth has nuance, and nuance is not an excuse for Putin's Russia.
What NATO's precise numbers actually reveal
571 to 634 billion: the mechanics of the calculation
According to figures cited by Arab News on July 7, 2026, "core" defense spending by Europe and Canada is projected to reach $634 billion in 2026, up from $571 billion the year before. The gap between these two figures matches exactly the 11% increase announced by the Alliance, which confirms the math holds, provided one understands what it actually measures: "core defense" spending, meaning conventional military budgets, excluding direct bilateral aid to Ukraine, which is counted separately in other envelopes.
This distinction matters. Part of the military support pledged to Kyiv, notably the €70 billion promised for 2026 at the Ankara summit, is not automatically included in that $634 billion figure. That means the real effort by European countries and Canada could be even larger than the national defense-budget statistic alone suggests, but it also means these two envelopes should never be added together carelessly, or the narrative risks being artificially inflated.
Still far behind American spending
Even with this increase, Arab News notes that European and Canadian spending remains "well off" American military spending. This is an essential nuance that the triumphant narrative often erases. NATO's 5% of GDP target for its members, covering both traditional military spending and security-related infrastructure, remains far from being met by the majority of European countries despite this real progress.
This persistent budgetary asymmetry feeds directly into Trump's argument, one he has made since his first term: Europeans are spending more, that is true, but they are still spending too little relative to what the United States alone shoulders in collective Western defense. An honest fact-check must acknowledge both sides of this reality, without giving in to the temptation of choosing whichever one serves the more comfortable story.
It must be said plainly: Europe is closing its gap, but it has not closed it. Being satisfied with an eleven percent bump when the chasm with Washington remains abysmal is telling ourselves a prettier story than the budget numbers actually support.
The 5% of GDP target, still far from being met
A target set, a trajectory still uncertain
At the Hague summit in 2025, NATO members committed to a 5% of gross domestic product target for defense and broader security spending, a figure well above the long-standing 2% threshold historically treated as the minimum norm. This ambitious target, restated on NATO's official website, now serves as the benchmark for measuring national efforts, including those announced in Ankara in July 2026.
The 11% increase recorded this year is a step in that direction, but on its own it does not support the claim that the 5% goal will be met within the Alliance's stated timeline. Many European countries are starting from such a low base that even a double-digit relative percentage gain remains, in absolute terms, insufficient to make up for decades of military underinvestment since the end of the Cold War.
Wildly uneven national trajectories
Behind the continent-wide average of 11% hide very different national situations. Some Baltic and Nordic countries, directly exposed to the Russian threat, have long since exceeded NATO's historical thresholds, while other members further from the front line continue to move more slowly toward their commitments. This heterogeneity strongly qualifies the narrative of a uniform, homogeneous "European rearmament."
This fragmented reality does not diminish the sincerity of the additional collective budgetary effort, but it rules out talk of a unanimous strategic shift. This is precisely the kind of nuance a fact-check must preserve, resisting the temptation to compress a complex budgetary file into a single spectacular number.
I refuse to turn a statistical average into proof of Western unity: some countries are carrying the effort, others are still dragging their feet, and pretending otherwise would be lying by omission to those on the Ukrainian front line paying the price of that uneven slowness.
What the Ankara summit actually committed for Ukraine
140 billion euros over two years, a figure worth unpacking
The Ankara summit, which concluded on July 8, 2026, produced a commitment of €140 billion in support for Ukraine, spread across 2026 and 2027, according to the detailed analysis published by Defence Ukraine. That amount breaks down into €70 billion for 2026 and an equivalent commitment for 2027, carried by thirty-one European allies and Canada, with the United States structurally excluded from this particular financing formula.
This detail is crucial to understanding the political mechanics of the summit: Washington explicitly asked that the direct financial effort toward Ukraine be shouldered by Europeans, while the United States focuses on other forms of contribution, notably technological ones, such as the Patriot missile production license announced by Trump at the same summit. It is a reshuffling of roles that redistributes responsibility without necessarily balancing it.
Part of this amount already recycles existing commitments
The Defence Ukraine analysis highlights a point often lost in the enthusiastic coverage of the summit: the truly new capital generated by the Ankara negotiations, channeled mainly through NATO's comprehensive assistance package, amounts to only about €2 billion out of the €140 billion headline figure. The rest largely corresponds to already existing commitments, bundled under a single political framework to project the image of a massive, unprecedented effort.
This is not an accusation of deception. It is a factual observation about how international summits often present their results: adding old and new commitments together under one impressive number, even if it creates the impression of a more radical acceleration than the actual budget reality allows.
We love big round numbers in summit communiqués, but a figure inflated by recycling old commitments does not feed a single extra Ukrainian soldier. We must celebrate what is genuinely new, not dress up the old as brand new.
The Patriot license, a symbol of real but delayed support
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A spectacular announcement, a distant rollout
The same summit saw Trump announce that the United States would give Ukraine a license to produce its own Patriot interceptors, a request Kyiv had been making since May 2026. "We're going to give a license to you to make Patriots. That's pretty cool," Trump said in front of Volodymyr Zelensky, according to remarks reported by Reuters and picked up by Al-Monitor. But this announcement, however welcome for Ukraine's war effort, will not translate into immediate production.
According to the Defence Ukraine analysis, physical manufacturing constraints — up to 24 months for a PAC-3 interceptor under optimal conditions, and roughly 30 months for its solid-fuel rocket motor because of global supply-chain bottlenecks — push any meaningful Ukrainian production out to 2027 or 2028 at the earliest. This timeline, however frustrating it is for Kyiv, must be part of any honest accounting of the summit.
American manufacturers weren't even informed
A troubling detail, reported by both CBS News and Euromaidan Press, deserves attention in this fact-check: at the moment of the announcement, Lockheed Martin and RTX, the companies involved in producing the Patriot, had not been informed of the decision. Trump himself acknowledged this publicly, saying "the company hasn't been informed yet, but that'll work out all right," according to the New York Times account.
This is not a minor detail. An industrial license of this scale, announced without prior consultation of the manufacturers involved, illustrates how immediate political messaging once again outran operational reality. This is exactly the kind of gap this fact-check must document without indulgence, even when the political decision serves a cause we support.
Trump is right to want to arm Ukraine further, but announcing an industrial license without telling the manufacturers is political theater before it is serious industrial policy. Zelensky deserves better than unprepared announcement effects.
The internal tensions that preceded the budget announcement
Trump versus Spain, a summit under strain
The Ankara summit did not open in a calm climate. According to Reuters, in its July 9, 2026 analysis, Trump began the gathering by ordering a suspension of trade with Spain, a member of the Alliance, before scolding several other European partners. This initial confrontational climate contrasts sharply with the conciliatory tone adopted a few hours later, when the American president spoke of "love in the room," according to the same agency.
This diplomatic volatility sheds light on an essential aspect of the 11% figure: it was not achieved in a climate of stable transatlantic trust, but under the constant pressure of an American president willing to economically sanction his own allies to push them into spending more. The European budget increase, real as it is, was built more under duress than through widespread spontaneous conviction.
Greenland, still looming in the background
The question of Greenland, which Trump raised again in Ankara according to several outlets present at the summit, continued to weigh on the general atmosphere of the talks. This territorial obsession of the American president, layered on top of trade tensions with Spain, illustrates the complexity of a summit where the displayed unity on Ukraine coexisted with unresolved bilateral friction between allies.
Documenting these tensions does not diminish the importance of the support for Kyiv announced at the same summit. On the contrary, it helps explain the fragile political context in which that support was negotiated, and why some experts, cited further below, remain cautious about its medium-term durability.
An American president who punishes Spain at dawn and sings transatlantic love by the afternoon is the mark of an erratic diplomacy that makes every promise more fragile than it should be. Ukraine cannot afford to depend on the White House's mood of the day.
The DSRB defense fund, a genuine institutional novelty
Seven founding countries, a target of accelerated financing
Beyond the raw budget figures, the Ankara summit formalized the creation of a fund called the Defense, Security and Resilience Bank (DSRB), bringing together seven founding countries including Ukraine itself, according to sources relayed by several Ukrainian outlets present on site. This fund aims to accelerate research and the allocation of additional financing for the purchase of next-generation military equipment.
The creation of this institution is a genuine structural novelty, distinct from simple national budget commitments. It reflects a desire, still to be confirmed over time, to build more permanent financing mechanisms for the Western defense effort, rather than settling for one-off announcements renewed summit after summit.
Fifty billion dollars in new industrial contracts
NATO's defense industry forum, held on July 7, 2026, just before the summit proper, resulted in procurement contracts worth more than $50 billion, spread according to Defence Ukraine across five capability categories: long-range precision strike, integrated air and missile defense, uncrewed systems, cutting-edge technologies, and intelligence capabilities. This amount, distinct from the $634 billion figure discussed earlier, illustrates a concrete industrial dimension of European rearmament.
These contracts, once signed, do not instantly translate into equipment deliveries on Ukrainian soil or in national European arsenals. They nonetheless represent a tangible indicator that the additional money spent is translating, at least in part, into firm orders rather than mere budget intentions with no follow-through.
I want to believe in this shared defense fund, but Europe's recent history is full of grandly announced institutions that never kept their funding promises. This time, it will have to be judged on actual disbursements, not on a launch press release.
What Russia's allies are watching in this number
A signal sent to Beijing, Tehran, and Pyongyang
This documented European rearmament has more than a European reach. It also sends a signal to the powers that directly or indirectly support Russia's war effort: China, Iran, and North Korea. A Europe that durably raises its military spending by 11% in a single year, even from a low base, gradually shifts the long-term strategic calculus these regimes apply to their relationship with Moscow.
It is no accident that the Western commentators most attentive to global geopolitical dynamics, notably in the pages of Foreign Policy, emphasize this systemic dimension of European rearmament: it is not just about supporting Ukraine today, but about deterring an axis of authoritarian powers watching Western resolve closely over the long run.
A still-fragile Western credibility
But this same dynamic remains fragile as long as the gap with American spending stays this wide, and as long as the concrete implementation of the commitments made in Ankara, whether the €140 billion for Ukraine or the Patriot license, stays subject to multi-year delays. A strategic signal only has deterrent value if it translates, in practice, into genuinely reinforced military capability, not just a bookkeeping announcement.
It is this tension between stated ambition and documented slowness of execution that, in the end, defines the real state of Western rearmament in mid-2026: real, measurable, but still far from sufficient to close the debate on transatlantic burden-sharing once and for all.
China, Iran, North Korea, and Putin's Russia are not watching our summit communiqués — they are watching our actual deliveries and our disbursed budgets. As long as the gap between announcement and execution persists, our deterrence remains only half credible.
What this number means concretely for Ukraine on the ground
A military context that does not wait for budgets
While these budget figures were being negotiated in Ankara, the war kept going without pause on the ground. According to the Institute for the Study of War assessment from July 8, 2026, 268 engagements were recorded on July 9, with the heaviest fighting concentrated around Pokrovsk and Kostiantynivka. This tactical reality is a reminder that budget figures, however important for the war's future, change nothing about the immediate urgency lived by Ukrainian soldiers on those front lines.
It is this mismatched timing between the budget announcement and the reality of the battlefield that must remain at the center of any serious fact-check on this file. An 11% rise in European defense spending in 2026 does not, on its own, defend a single position at Pokrovsk today.
Ukrainian strikes on Russian oil, a parallel front
At the same time, Ukraine continued its campaign of strikes against Russian oil infrastructure, with a documented attack on the Syzran refinery, in Samara oblast, during the night of July 11-12, 2026, the third strike of the year on that same facility according to Militarnyi. This campaign, partly financed by the defense budgets discussed above, concretely illustrates how the additional money voted in Brussels or in national capitals translates, with a time lag, into real operational capability for Kyiv.
This convergence between budget statistics and operational reality deserves emphasis, because it shows that the rise in European defense spending is not a purely accounting exercise cut off from the battlefield, even if its effects are measured over months rather than in real time.
Every extra euro voted in Brussels eventually, with delay, turns into a drone that hits a Russian refinery or a shell that holds a position at Pokrovsk. That concrete chain is what we must keep in mind behind every budget percentage point.
What Western experts take away from this scorecard
A professor and a general skeptical of the timeline
Strategic studies professor Phillips O'Brien, cited by Euromaidan Press on July 10, 2026, believes the Patriot license announced in Ankara could actually substitute for the immediate deliveries Ukraine needs today, giving Trump a pretext to delay shipments of existing systems until a Ukrainian production line actually exists, at best by late 2027 or in 2028. This analysis, coming from a recognized academic rather than a partisan commentator, must be taken seriously in this scorecard.
Likewise, British general Richard Shirreff, also cited by Euromaidan Press, pointed out that the American-Israeli war against Iran has drained a large share of global interceptor stocks, meaning that concretely the United States "does not have the wherewithal to supply Patriots to Ukraine now," making the industrial license almost a logistical necessity rather than a simple generous political choice.
A scorecard that must stay clear-eyed without turning cynical
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This fact-check does not seek to minimize the real importance of the 11% rise in European defense budgets, nor that of the Patriot license or the €140 billion promised to Ukraine. These elements are verifiable, documented by cross-checked sources, and represent a tangible evolution of Western support against Russian aggression. But factual rigor requires that these numbers not be turned into a final victory when they remain, for a large part, promises still subject to the test of time and concrete execution.
It is this dual requirement, rejecting lazy cynicism while rejecting naive enthusiasm, that must guide the reading of this budget scorecard from the Ankara summit, at a moment when every billion counts for Ukrainian resistance against Vladimir Putin.
Neither easy cynicism nor blind optimism: eleven percent more is a real step in the right direction, but it is not yet proof that the West has finished catching up on decades of underinvestment against an enemy that has never stopped preparing.
The American domestic political dimension worth watching
Trump, between geopolitical firmness and domestic gray areas
It would be dishonest to cover this file without mentioning the complexity of Trump's role in this sequence. On the geopolitical front, his constant pressure on European allies has undeniably helped accelerate this 11% rise in defense budgets, a result his predecessors never managed to achieve with the same intensity. On this specific front, American firmness, even blunt in its form, has produced a measurable and positive effect for collective Western security.
But this same administration remains subject, on its American domestic policy, to a distinct factual scrutiny separate from its foreign policy. The unpredictable trade tensions with allies like Spain, documented above, illustrate an erratic method that, while it has sometimes paid budgetary dividends, also carries real risks for the Atlantic Alliance's long-term stability.
Keeping the two registers separate without conflating them
This fact-check maintains a clear distinction between these two registers: Trump's geopolitical pressure on European rearmament against Russia constitutes, in the facts documented here, a necessary evil for the West, in the sense that it produced a concrete result that European goodwill alone had failed to generate for years. His unpredictable handling of relations with certain allies, however, belongs to a different, purely tactical, and sometimes counterproductive register.
This distinction is not a gratuitous rhetorical exercise. It allows each American decision to be judged on its own factual merits, rather than giving in to blanket, undifferentiated approval or rejection of Trump's policy, a posture that would undermine the very rigor this text claims for itself.
I can acknowledge that Trump moved European budgets without excusing every erratic decision he makes elsewhere: geopolitics has its own merits, method has its own flaws, and confusing the two would be as dishonest as rejecting everything wholesale.
What this number leaves open for the months ahead
The next budget milestones to watch
The 11% rise recorded in 2026 is not an end point, but a step in a trajectory meant to continue toward the Alliance's 5% of GDP target. The next NATO summits will need to confirm whether this momentum holds, accelerates, or instead loses steam once American diplomatic pressure eases or shifts to other priorities.
This uncertainty over the durability of the budget effort is, implicitly, one of the most important questions this file leaves open. A one-off budgetary surge, driven by the pressure of a specific summit, does not carry the same strategic weight as a durable trajectory written into national finance laws over several consecutive years.
The test of execution, more important than the test of announcement
The true test of this scorecard will not play out in the coming weeks, but over the coming months and years, when it will be necessary to verify whether the €140 billion promised to Ukraine, the Patriot license, and the DSRB fund actually translate into delivered military capability, rather than budget lines that gradually fade from political priorities once media attention moves on.
It is this requirement of long-term follow-up, more than the immediate satisfaction of an impressive number coming out of a summit, that should structure serious journalistic coverage of this file in the months ahead.
A summit figure only has value if it survives the media forgetting that always follows these grand international gatherings. I would rather wait for the actual 2027 disbursements before declaring victory on this still-fragile European rearmament.
What Ukrainian field sources say about these numbers
Militarnyi and the cautious skepticism of military observers
Militarnyi, the specialized Ukrainian outlet, covered in detail the strikes on the Syzran refinery that occurred right after the Ankara summit, noting that this facility had already been targeted in May 2026. This operational continuity, documented independently of Western budget announcements, shows that Ukraine's long-running military effort largely precedes, and sometimes outpaces, the rhythm of decisions made in allied capitals.
Ukrainian military observers, unlike some Western commentators, are rarely impressed by budget figures announced abroad alone. Their barometer remains the actual availability of ammunition, drones, and interceptors on the ground, a reality that follows its own calendar, largely independent of the diplomatic tempo of NATO summits.
A caution that stands in sharp contrast to enthusiastic communiqués
This Ukrainian caution toward big Western budget announcements is nothing new. It reflects experience accumulated since 2022, when many summit promises took months, even years, to translate into actual deliveries on the ground. Ukrainian officials, while publicly thanking their allies, continue to demand precise timelines rather than global envelopes that are difficult to verify in their actual execution.
This demand for precision, far from being ingratitude, is a lesson Western partners would do well to incorporate more into their communication: a numbered commitment without a clear execution timeline loses much of its operational value for those fighting today on the front lines of the Donbas.
Ukrainians politely applaud every billion announced abroad, but they have learned not to build their defense plans on promises without a schedule. This field-level clarity should inspire more of our own enthusiastic commentary from comfortable capitals.
This Ukrainian caution deserves to be heard in Brussels as much as in Washington: an ally who politely doubts our timelines usually has good historical reasons to do so, and that is not ingratitude, it is clarity earned at the cost of blood.
What this budget increase says about the new global strategic order
A competition with China that goes beyond the Ukrainian file alone
This rise in European defense spending is part of a broader strategic competition that goes beyond the Ukrainian theater alone. China, by continuously modernizing its own military and naval capabilities, is closely watching the West's ability to sustain a budgetary effort across several simultaneous fronts, from Europe to the Indo-Pacific. A credible European rearmament also strengthens, by extension, the Western position against Beijing.
This global dimension explains why some analysts at Foreign Policy insist that the Ukrainian file can no longer be thought of in isolation from other flashpoints involving China, Iran, and North Korea. Every additional billion devoted to European defense contributes, indirectly, to a broader deterrence that reaches far beyond the borders of the Donbas.
A credibility test for the entire Western camp
This 11% figure, seen in this global perspective, becomes a credibility test for the entire Western camp against an increasingly coordinated axis of authoritarian powers. If Europe manages to sustain this budgetary trajectory over time, it will send a signal of resolve that reaches far beyond military aid to Kyiv alone.
If, on the contrary, this increase turns out to be a one-off surge driven solely by the pressure of a particular summit, the Moscow-Beijing-Tehran-Pyongyang axis will draw strategic conclusions that the West will likely regret in the years to come. It is this long-term significance, beyond the mere 2026 accounting tally, that must stay at the center of any serious evaluation of this budget figure.
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China and its authoritarian partners only believe in long trends, never in announcement effects. If Europe eases off once media attention fades, this 2026 surge will remain nothing more than a footnote in Beijing and Moscow's strategic calculus.
Conclusion: a true number, a job still unfinished
The verdict of this fact-check
At the end of this verification, the verdict is both clear and nuanced: yes, defense spending by Europe and Canada did rise by 11% in 2026, a figure confirmed by NATO itself and faithfully relayed by several news agencies. This is neither an exaggeration nor a statistical manipulation. But this figure, taken out of context, would tell a more flattering story than the budget and operational reality documented in this text.
The full picture includes a persistent gap with American spending, a 5% of GDP target still far from being met by most members, a Patriot license whose actual rollout will not happen before 2027 or 2028, and a €140 billion fund of which only a fraction represents genuinely new financing. These are precisely the details that separate a rigorous factual scorecard from a simple echo of a triumphant press release.
Why this nuance matters for the war's future
This nuance is not a gratuitous academic exercise. It matters directly for Ukraine, which needs to know precisely what its allies will actually deliver and on what timeline, rather than basing its military plans on summit announcements that could, over time, prove slower to materialize than their initial wording suggested.
It also matters for European citizens, called upon to support a durable budgetary effort whose necessity and current limits they must understand, without giving in to either fatalism or premature self-satisfaction in the face of a Russian threat that itself shows no sign of letting up.
Signed Maxime Marquette, columnist
Columnist's transparency note
What I know and what I don't know
I know that NATO announced, on July 7, 2026, an 11% rise in defense spending by Europe and Canada, from $571 to $634 billion, according to figures relayed by Arab News. I know that the Ankara summit of July 8, 2026, produced a commitment of €140 billion for Ukraine over two years, a Patriot production license announced by Trump, and the creation of a DSRB fund bringing together seven countries. I also know, thanks to the Defence Ukraine analysis, that only a limited fraction of that overall amount constitutes genuinely new financing.
I do not know with certainty whether this budgetary trajectory will hold at the same pace in the coming annual cycles, nor whether the Patriot license will actually translate into Ukrainian production within the timelines cited by the specialists quoted in this text. I would rather state that clearly than speculate about an outcome that the facts available today do not allow us to settle.
Method
This fact-check is based on official NATO figures relayed by Arab News on July 7, 2026, on the detailed analysis of the Ankara summit published by Defence Ukraine, on reporting by Reuters, the New York Times, and Euromaidan Press regarding the Patriot license, as well as on the Institute for the Study of War assessment of July 8, 2026, for the on-the-ground military context. No scene has been invented, no direct testimony is claimed, and every attributed quote comes from the sources listed below.
My editorial angle is stated openly: I consider this budget increase a positive and necessary step against the threat posed by Vladimir Putin, China, Iran, and North Korea, while refusing to present it as sufficient or final until the transatlantic gap and the execution delays documented here have been closed by concrete, measurable action.
Sources
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Secondary sources
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Cite this article
Maxime Marquette (2026). FACT-CHECK: NATO's 11% European defense spending jump is real but not enough. MadMax. https://mad-max.co/en/article/fact-check-nato-s-11-european-defense-spending-jump-is-real-but-not-enough
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