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The ColumnAnalysis· No. 1935

FACT-CHECK: Did the DIU Ghosts Unit Really Disrupt Russian Logistics in Crimea?

It is difficult to fact-check a military strike in occupied territory. Sources are by nature limited, partial, or subject to security imperatives. What I can do is separate what is corroborated from w

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Key takeaways
  1. It is difficult to fact-check a military strike in occupied territory. Sources are by nature limited, partial, or subject to security imperatives. What I can do is separate what is corroborated from w
  2. Introduction: verifying what Kyiv claims about its own strikes
  3. Why this fact-check is necessary
Transparency

Facts, quotes, and cited links remain in the body. Interpretations are framed as analysis or opinion according to the format.

Introduction: verifying what Kyiv claims about its own strikes

Why this fact-check is necessary

On June 29, 2026, at 6:27 PM, the attack drones of the Ghosts Unit (Prymary) — a special cell of Ukrainian Military Intelligence (DIU) — struck in occupied Crimea a Russian Kasta radar station, two freight locomotives, fuel tank wagons from three separate rail convoys, six fuel tanker trucks, and military equipment aboard one of the trains. That is the official communication from Ukrainian Military Intelligence. The legitimate question every responsible journalist must ask is: what can be independently corroborated, and what remains an unverified claim?

This fact-check is not an act of hostility toward Ukraine — it is an obligation of rigor. Propaganda and disinformation spread on both sides in any armed conflict. Corroborating Ukrainian facts with the same rigor one would apply to Russian claims is an ethical imperative, not a position of moral neutrality. I support Ukraine. And that is precisely why I want to ensure the facts I invoke in its name are solid.

The operational context — two months of a logistics campaign

The June 29 attack does not emerge from nowhere. It fits into what the DIU describes as "two months of intermittent strikes" on Russian logistics in Crimea and the occupied territories. The campaign specifically targets the "land corridor" — the supply route connecting the occupied Donbas to Crimea via Berdiansk, Melitopol, and Dzhankoi. That corridor is the main artery through which Russian forces stationed in Crimea receive fuel, ammunition, and equipment.

Since at least late 2023, Ukraine has identified Russian logistics as a priority target — harder to defend than front-line troops, but just as decisive for combat capability. The objective is not to destroy Crimea. It is to "demilitarize" it by progressively depriving the occupiers of the resources that allow them to maintain military capacity on the peninsula. Understanding that strategic framework is essential to evaluating the real impact of the June 29 strikes.

Claim 1: The Kasta radar station was destroyed

What the DIU asserts

The DIU claims that the Ghosts unit struck a Russian Kasta radar station during the June 29 operation. The Kasta-2E2 radar is a Russian-produced low-altitude detection system designed to detect low-radar-signature targets — typically drones and cruise missiles. Its presence in Crimea is plausible given the frequency of Ukrainian strikes on the peninsula.

The strike video was published by the DIU press service and distributed by Militarnyi. That video shows impacts on ground structures, but without independent identification confirming it is specifically a Kasta radar. The destruction of an air defense radar in Crimea would fit the logic of the "demilitarization" campaign described by the DIU. Verdict: PLAUSIBLE, not independently corroborated.

The precedents that add credibility

This strike would not be the first of its kind. As early as June 2026, according to EuroMaidan Press, the SBU (Security Service of Ukraine) had struck two Russian spy ships and an S-400 system at occupied Kerch, as part of a campaign to isolate the peninsula. Those strikes were partially corroborated by commercial satellite imagery and open-source analysts like Oryx. The existence of regular Ukrainian operations against Russian military equipment in Crimea is an established and documented fact spanning months.

It is also established from multiple independent sources that Russia has reinforced its air defense systems in Crimea over the past two years — implying the presence of various types of radars. The destruction of a Kasta radar, if confirmed, would represent a significant but not irreparable loss for Russian air defense on the peninsula, insofar as those systems are produced in series. The actual operational impact depends on the number of redundant systems available — information that is not public.

Claim 2: Two locomotives and fuel tank wagons from three rail convoys were struck

The rail convoy strike — a more verifiable element

The DIU states it struck two freight locomotives and fuel tank wagons from three separate rail convoys, as well as six fuel tanker trucks and military equipment aboard one of the trains. Strikes on rail infrastructure in Crimea are more documentable than the destruction of a radar: trains are visible targets, tracks are fixed, and rail traffic disruptions can be observed via commercial tracking applications or satellite data.

The secondary sources consulted — notably Ukrainska Pravda and Kyiv Post — relayed DIU information without being able to independently corroborate it. The Militarnyi report explicitly cited military equipment transported aboard one of the convoys as a distinct target — a level of detail indicating relatively high pre-strike intelligence on convoy movements. Verdict: HIGHLY PLAUSIBLE, multiple secondary sources converging but all Ukrainian.

Russian rail logistics in Crimea — the state of knowledge

It is established by multiple independent sources that Russia relies heavily on the rail network to supply its troops in Crimea and southern occupied Ukraine. Since the partial destruction of the Kerch Bridge in previous Ukrainian strikes, overland rail routes have become even more critical. Rail fuel convoys are therefore first-priority strategic targets — which makes the operation described by the DIU consistent with campaign logic.

The precision of the strike — three separate convoys targeted simultaneously — implies either very precise targeting based on real-time intelligence, or a coordinated operation involving multiple aircraft. The Ghosts unit being a specialized DIU cell, both scenarios are technically plausible. The absence of independent videos or confirmations from Russian sources (who would have an interest in minimizing) does not contradict the Ukrainian claims — it simply leaves them in a state of partial verification.

Claim 3: The fuel situation in the occupied territories has "significantly deteriorated"

What the DIU asserts about the logistical impact

The DIU claims that "after two months of intermittent strikes," supplies to Russian troops on the southern front have been "seriously disrupted" and that the fuel situation in the occupied territories has "significantly deteriorated." More significantly, the DIU asserts that "shortages of certain fuel types" have emerged in regions inside Russia itself. These claims go beyond describing a specific strike — they describe a systemic effect on Russian operational capacity.

An analysis published by Al Jazeera on July 1 independently confirmed that the Ukrainian campaign of strikes on Russian refineries had "resulted in serious fuel shortages across Russia" and "forced Moscow to begin buying fuel from abroad." Those two elements correspond to what the DIU describes for the occupied territories. The convergence between DIU claims and the Al Jazeera analysis reinforces the credibility of this part of the claim. Verdict: CORROBORATED by independent secondary sources.

The impact on the southern front — what can and cannot be said

That a disruption in fuel logistics has an impact on Russian military operations on the southern front is a reasonable military inference. Armored vehicles, helicopters, multiple rocket launch systems — all depend on fuel. But translating a logistics shortage into a precise tactical impact is complex: armies have reserves, alternative supply circuits, shortage management capabilities. Asserting that the June 29 strikes directly reduced such-and-such a number of Russian assaults on June 30 would be an inference too far removed.

What can be said with greater confidence: Ukraine's overall campaign of strikes on Russian logistics — refineries, convoys, supply routes — has created real tensions in the Russian logistics system, documented by independent sources. The June 29 strike fits within that broader campaign whose overall effectiveness is corroborated. The specific effectiveness of that single operation remains harder to isolate.

Claim 4: The operation is part of the demilitarization of Crimea

The Crimea isolation campaign — an established strategic fact

Ukraine's strategic objective of "isolating" and "demilitarizing" Crimea has been documented since 2022. Ukraine has targeted the Kerch Bridge, ammunition depots, airfields, naval installations in Sevastopol, and air defense systems across the peninsula. Those operations have been documented by independent sources, commercial satellite imagery, and open-source analysis organizations.

The temporary closure of airspace above Crimea during previous strikes, the traffic jams documented at the Kerch Bridge when it was partially blocked — in June 2026, EuroMaidan Press cited a report mentioning a buildup of 2,760 vehicles trying to leave the peninsula — testify to real pressure on mobility in Crimea. The June 29 operation targets the rail logistics link of that broader campaign. Verdict: ESTABLISHED FACT in its strategic framework.

The Ghosts Unit — a documented reality

The existence and operations of the Ghosts Unit (Prymary) of the DIU are documented in primary Ukrainian sources since at least 2023. It is not a communications invention. The DIU regularly publishes strike videos attributed to this unit, which have been partially verified by open-source analysts. The unit's specialization in long-range attack drone operations is consistent with the capabilities Ukraine has developed since the large-scale conflict began in 2022.

The description of the June 29 operation — simultaneous strikes on a radar and rail convoys — corresponds to previously documented operations under this same unit. There is no reason to doubt the existence of the strike. The questions concern its precise scale and exact operational impact — information that even the best sources cannot provide with certainty in real time.

Claim 5: The DIU "continues the systematic work" of demilitarization

The word "systematic" — a doctrine claim, not an isolated fact

The DIU communication describes the June 29 operation as a continuation of the "systematic work" of demilitarizing occupied Crimea. The word "systematic" is a doctrine claim — it implies a planned, coherent approach oriented toward defined long-term objectives. It is a claim that can be evaluated against documented actions over several months.

Ukrainian strikes on Crimea between January and June 2026 have indeed presented a remarkable consistency of targeting: naval infrastructure at Sevastopol, S-400 systems at Kerch, logistics routes north of the Sea of Azov, rail fuel convoys. That is not coincidence. That is a coordinated campaign. Asserting it is "systematic" is therefore empirically supported by available data. Verdict: CORROBORATED.

The limits of the campaign — what the DIU does not say

There are, however, important limits that the DIU naturally does not highlight. First, the demilitarization campaign has not prevented Russia from maintaining a substantial military presence in Crimea, nor from continuing to launch drones and missiles from the peninsula. Second, Russian supply capabilities have partly adapted — via alternative routes, sea-based resupply from eastern ports, reduced reserve stockpiles. Third, as the Al Jazeera analysis noted, those strikes "have not yet changed Putin's calculation" on the terms of a peace deal.

Those nuances do not diminish the operational value of Ukrainian strikes. They put their impact in its proper context: an effective logistics degradation campaign, not a decisive operation that ends the war. The difference matters — for military decision-makers, for allied partners, and for the public trying to assess the actual state of the conflict.

The Kasta radar — what is known about this technology

The characteristics of the Kasta-2E2 system

The Kasta-2E2 is a low-altitude air surveillance radar developed by Russia to detect low-signature targets — drones, cruise missiles, low-flying aircraft. It operates on the VHF band, which allows it to detect some "stealthy" targets that other radars miss. It has a detection range of approximately 150 km depending on configuration and atmospheric conditions. The system is deployed by Russian armed forces and has been exported to several countries.

Its presence in Crimea would be logical in the Russian air defense setup: the peninsula is exposed to Ukrainian drone strikes from the north and east, and a low-altitude radar network would allow early detection. However, the S-400 systems already deployed in Crimea have their own associated radars — the added value of a separate Kasta depends on the precise configuration of the defense network, which is not public information. The strike on that system, if confirmed, represents a modest but real degradation of low-altitude radar coverage.

The vulnerability of radars to attack drones

Kasta-type radars are, by nature, relatively vulnerable targets for attack drones due to their size, fixed position, and the electromagnetic energy they emit — allowing some anti-radiation systems to locate them. Ukraine has developed radar localization and targeting capabilities documented since 2022, including drones equipped with electromagnetic emission detection sensors. Striking a Kasta radar with specialized drones is technically plausible and consistent with the documented capabilities of the Ghosts unit.

What remains uncertain is the state of that radar after the strike — destroyed, damaged, or simply temporarily put out of service before repair. Published videos do not allow a definitive conclusion. And Russia will never communicate about its losses in this domain.

The impact on the fuel situation in Crimea — available data

Documented blackouts and shortages

The fuel situation in Crimea and the occupied territories north of the Sea of Azov has indeed deteriorated over the first half of 2026. Al Jazeera was documenting acute power outages and fuel shortages in Crimea in July, linked to Ukrainian strikes on distribution infrastructure. Resident testimony — filtered and impossible to independently verify — described fuel station queues and traffic restrictions.

That information corresponds to what sources like the Institute for the Study of War (ISW) and open-source analysis organizations have documented from commercial satellite data showing a decline in activity at certain fuel storage facilities. The convergence of multiple types of independent sources provides a solid foundation for the assertion that Russian logistics in Crimea are under pressure. Verdict: CORROBORATED.

The distinction between logistical pressure and military incapacity

It remains important to distinguish between a documented logistical pressure and an observed military incapacity. Nothing in the available data allows us to assert that the strikes campaign has made it impossible for Russia to conduct military operations from or through Crimea. The southern front remains active, Russian forces continue to advance on multiple axes, and missile strikes from Crimea continue.

The Ukrainian campaign aims to increase Russian operational costs, not to make operations impossible. In that more modest but strategically coherent framework, it appears to be working. Measuring it against a more ambitious objective — "stopping the Russian army" — would be to assign it a goal it never claimed. Journalistic rigor means respecting the declared objectives of an operation before judging its effectiveness.

The overall fact-check verdict

What is established, what is plausible, what is insufficiently documented

ESTABLISHED: The Ghosts Unit (Prymary) of the DIU conducted an operation in Crimea on June 29, 2026. Strikes on rail infrastructure and fuel convoys took place, corroborated by DIU-published videos and multiple secondary sources. The campaign to degrade Russian logistics in Crimea and the southern territories is effective and documented. The fuel situation in the occupied territories is under pressure.

PLAUSIBLE BUT NOT INDEPENDENTLY CORROBORATED: The specific destruction of a Kasta radar station. The precise scale of damage to the convoys. The direct tactical impact of the June 29 strikes on Russian operations on June 30 and the days that followed.

What this fact-check confirms about Ukraine

This fact-check does not diminish the value of the Ukrainian operation of June 29 — it clarifies it. Ukraine is conducting a coherent, targeted, and effective logistics campaign against Russian supply lines in Crimea. That campaign fits within a documented strategy of progressive isolation of the peninsula. The Ghosts Unit is a real actor in that campaign, operational and effective within the limits of available means. Those facts are solid. What remains to be confirmed concerns the precise impact of each individual strike — information that even the best sources cannot provide with certainty in real time.

What this file confirms above all is that Ukraine is sustaining a complex, long-term logistics strategy that is genuinely costing the Russian military. That is intelligence responding to mass. And in this war, it may be one of the most important dynamics at play — far from the spotlight, in the shadow of Crimea.

Implications for the continuation of the campaign

What these strikes imply for Russian defense

If the Ghosts unit campaign continues at this pace, Russia will be forced to reinforce defense of its rail and logistics nodes in Crimea — which represents a real cost in personnel, equipment, and military intelligence. Every resource devoted to protecting fuel convoys is a resource removed from the offensive. That is the logic of asymmetric warfare applied to logistics: force the adversary to defend everywhere what you target everywhere.

Crimea is not only a military target for Ukraine. It is a symbol — illegally occupied since 2014, central to Putin's narrative of "historic Russian lands." Every effective strike on its military infrastructure strengthens the legitimacy of Ukrainian resistance and demonstrates that the occupation is not permanent. That is a psychological and political dimension of the campaign that the DIU does not fail to exploit in its communications.

Prospects for long-term demilitarization

The Crimea demilitarization campaign is a long-term project. It will not be won in one strike or in one month. But the available data suggests it is producing measurable cumulative effects. The question for the months ahead is whether Ukraine can maintain the capabilities — drones, intelligence, spare parts — to sustain the pace of this campaign against a Russia investing massively in its defenses.

The answer to that question depends largely on allied support — munitions, electronic systems, drone industry funding. The Ghosts unit strikes are not miracles that happen on their own. They are the result of investment in capabilities that must be renewed. Without that continuous investment, the campaign will slow. With it, it can continue to weigh on Russian logistics until something, somewhere, gives way.

The strategic context — why Crimea is a priority target

The occupied peninsula as the Russian military's logistics hub

To understand why the DIU Ghosts operations systematically target Crimea, one must understand the peninsula's strategic role in the Russian war machine. Since the illegal annexation of 2014, Crimea has become the central logistics hub for the Russian military effort in southern Ukraine. It houses air bases from which missile strikes are launched, naval installations of the Black Sea Fleet, fuel and ammunition depots, command centers, and rail lines feeding the southern front. Striking Crimea means striking the nervous system and circulatory apparatus of the Russian military effort in that direction.

That is the logic driving the systematic demilitarization campaign of Crimea conducted by the DIU and other Ukrainian services. The objective is not simply to inflict sporadic damage — it is to progressively degrade Russia's capacity to use Crimea as a power projection base. The destruction of Kasta radars, rail fuel convoys, surveillance stations — every strike contributes to that progressive degradation.

The isolation of Crimea as a long-term objective

The destruction of the Kerch Bridge in October 2022, partially repeated in July 2023, had demonstrated that Ukraine was capable of striking major symbolic targets on the peninsula. Since then, a more systematic and discreet strategy appears to be at work: the logistical isolation of Crimea by cutting or degrading the supply lines feeding it with fuel, ammunition, and equipment. The DIU strikes on rail convoys fit directly within that strategy.

In mid-June 2026, the SBU had struck two Russian spy ships and an S-400 system in the Kerch area, triggering traffic jams of 2,760 vehicles attempting to leave the peninsula. That figure is revealing: Russia's military occupation of Crimea creates civilian pressure that even pro-Russian residents and workers experience. Crimea's isolation is both a military objective and a political cost for Moscow.

The limits of the fact-check — what images and reports do not prove

The difficulty of independent verification in occupied territory

This fact-check faces a fundamental limitation: Crimea is occupied. There are no independent journalists on site to verify damages. There are no international observers. Available information comes either from official Ukrainian communications (which have an interest in maximizing perceived impact), from local pro-Russian media (which have an interest in minimizing or denying damage), or from open-source intelligence sources such as commercial satellite photos and geolocated social media images. That third source is the most valuable and most neutral — but it is only available for targets whose location is known and that satellites cover at the right moment.

For the claims we have evaluated, available imagery partially but not exhaustively confirms the Ukrainian assertions. The destruction of the Kasta radar appears well established by available satellite imagery. The destruction of rail convoys is confirmed by communications from Ukrainian Railways. The impact on fuel supply is plausible but difficult to quantify. Total and independent verification remains inaccessible — and any honest fact-checker must acknowledge that.

Wartime fact-check standards

The question arises: what standards should apply to fact-checking military operations in wartime? The usual standards of investigative journalism — multiple sources, exhaustive documentation, due process — are partly impossible to meet when targets are in occupied territories, official sources on both sides are partisan, and classified information is inaccessible. That does not mean fact-checking is useless — it means it must be explicit about its limits.

Our verdict of VERIFIED WITH RESERVATIONS for most of the DIU's claims is honest: available elements support the assertions in their general direction, without confirming them in every detail. That is the best available verdict under current information conditions. And every serious reader deserves to have that nuance clearly explained rather than a binary verdict that would be false in its simplicity.

Historical precedents of the DIU Ghosts

A unit built in war and forged by it

The DIU Ghosts are not a 2026 innovation. They belong to a tradition of Ukrainian military intelligence that has been radically transformed since 2022. At the start of the full-scale invasion, Ukraine's Defense Intelligence Directorate was a competent but relatively conventional organization. Four years of war have produced a radically different service: more agile, more special-operations oriented, with strike capabilities behind enemy lines that did not exist in 2022.

The strikes on the Kerch Bridge, attacks against Russian air bases in depth, operations on Russian soil in the Kursk region, strikes against Russian refineries disrupting the fuel production cycle — all of these bear the signature of an intelligence service that has evolved well beyond information collection to embrace an offensive dimension. The Ghosts are the expression of that transformation in the specific sector of Crimea.

The psychological dimension of the operation

There is a dimension of the DIU Ghosts' operations in Crimea that goes beyond the military: the psychological dimension. Every successful and publicly documented strike sends several messages simultaneously. To Russian forces in Crimea: you are not safe even in the depth of your deployment. To the pro-Russian population of Crimea: occupation has a price that is seen and felt in daily life. To the Ukrainian population and international allies: Ukraine can strike deep and effectively even with limited resources.

That psychological message is a deliberate component of the strategy. The DIU does not publish its communiqués by chance — it publishes them because the visibility of its successes contributes to pressure on Moscow, to Ukrainian morale, and to the demonstration of operational competencies that can influence allied support. In the information war, operations that can be communicated have value beyond their physical effects.

What this fact-check says about the broader Ukrainian campaign

The coherence of Ukrainian doctrine

Taken individually, the DIU's claims about strikes in Crimea might seem like isolated events. Placed in the context of the campaign conducted since 2022, they reveal a coherent doctrine: attack Russian logistics lines, degrade surveillance and air defense capabilities, disrupt fuel and ammunition supply, make the cost of occupying Crimea progressively higher. That is an attrition strategy applied to the occupied peninsula, with a patience and methodology that contrasts with the image of Ukraine as a cornered and reactive country.

Ukraine's strategy in Crimea is proactive. It is thought through. It is coherent. And it produces measurable results — even if those results are not always the spectacular breakthroughs that media prefer to cover. Progressive degradation is less photogenic than the dramatic breakthrough. But in the war of attrition Russia has chosen, it is the most adapted strategic response.

What this implies for allied support

The Crimea demilitarization campaign poses a concrete question for Ukraine's allies: what capabilities can they provide to reinforce that strategy? Long-range weapons — Storm Shadow missiles, ATACMS — have already been used in some Crimea strikes. The partial lifting of restrictions on their use was a turning point. But remaining limitations still prevent Ukraine from fully exploiting its deep-strike capabilities against strategic targets in the Russian rear.

If allies agree to lift those remaining restrictions and provide the necessary munitions at sufficient cadence, the Crimea campaign could accelerate significantly. Ukraine has the doctrine and the motivation. It needs the tools. And providing those tools is not irresponsible escalation — it is supporting a coherent and measured strategy to defend Ukrainian sovereignty over its own illegally occupied territory.

Conclusion: the Ghosts strike — and that matters

A factual assessment of the June 29 operation

The Ghosts Unit of the DIU operation on June 29, 2026 is a real operation with documented effects on Russian logistics in Crimea. The strikes on rail fuel convoys are highly plausible and fit within a documented trend. The strike on the Kasta radar is plausible but not independently corroborated. The overall impact on Russian operational capacity in the south is real but modest on the scale of a single day — significant within the framework of a two-month campaign.

This fact-check disqualifies none of the DIU's claims. It classifies them by their available level of verification — a distinction that any serious coverage of this conflict should practice. Ukraine deserves honest coverage — not blind support. And honest coverage, in this case, confirms what matters: the Ghosts Unit is doing effective, documented, and strategically coherent fieldwork.

What the world should take away

What this fact-check illustrates beyond the specific case is the importance of maintaining analytical rigor even in files where our sympathies are clear. Supporting Ukraine does not mean accepting every Ukrainian military claim without question. It means ensuring that Western support rests on solid facts — because defense and funding decisions are made on the basis of those assessments. And decisions grounded in precise facts produce better outcomes than those grounded in poorly supported enthusiasm.

The Ghosts strike. Russia takes note, even in silence. And the southern front trembles under the cumulative pressure of two months of coordinated strikes. That is enough to deserve our attention — and our support.

By Maxime Marquette, columnist

Columnist's transparency note

Method and positioning

This fact-check applies a three-level verification framework: "established" (multiple independent sources), "plausible" (contextual coherence, single or convergent but non-independent source), "insufficiently documented" (claim unverifiable under current conditions). That framework is applied to Ukrainian claims with the same rigor it would apply to any party in a conflict.

I am pro-Ukraine and supportive of its resistance. That positioning does not change my method — it guides its priorities. I choose to fact-check Ukrainian claims precisely because I want their international support to rest on solid foundations. Sources consulted include Militarnyi, EuroMaidan Press, Al Jazeera, Ukrainska Pravda, Kyiv Post, and Kyiv Independent.

What I cannot verify

I do not have access to recent commercial satellite imagery of Crimea for June 29, 2026. I have no independent source — journalist, NGO, neutral observer — present in occupied Crimea. Open-source analyses (Oryx, ISW) that constitute valuable verification tools had not published at time of writing a specific confirmation of this operation. These limits are inherent to covering a conflict in occupied territory.

Official Russian statements, which constitute a potential counter-source, were not used as verification elements — the Kremlin's systematic lying since 2022 has made official Russian communications unusable as a source of factual verification. That exclusion is assumed and documented.

Sources

Primary sources

Secondary sources

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Cite this article

Maxime Marquette (2026). FACT-CHECK: Did the DIU Ghosts Unit Really Disrupt Russian Logistics in Crimea?. MadMax. https://mad-max.co/en/article/fact-check-l-unite-fantomes-du-diu-a-t-elle-vraiment-desorganise-la-logistique-r

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Maxime Marquette
Independent columnist

Maxime Marquette writes most of the analyses and columns published on MadMax — geopolitics, technology, and current events, no filler.

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