FACT-CHECK: 721,300 Russian Soldiers and 35,000 Losses Per Month — What These Numbers Really Mean
In this war, numbers are weapons. Russia minimizes its losses. Ukraine has an interest in showing that resistance works. NATO has an interest in maintaining its members' support. Those interests do no
- In this war, numbers are weapons. Russia minimizes its losses. Ukraine has an interest in showing that resistance works. NATO has an interest in maintaining its members' support. Those interests do no
- Introduction: Two Figures, Two Sources, a Quantified War of Attrition
- Precise claims in a fog of war
Facts, quotes, and cited links remain in the body. Interpretations are framed as analysis or opinion according to the format.
Introduction: Two Figures, Two Sources, a Quantified War of Attrition
Precise claims in a fog of war
In a war where propaganda on both sides is a strategic weapon, two figures have been circulating in July 2026 with remarkable persistence. First figure: 721,300 — the number of Russian soldiers currently concentrated on Ukrainian territory, according to Ukraine's Commander-in-Chief Oleksandr Syrskyi, in an interview given to the British daily the Times in late June 2026. Second figure: 35,000 — the number of Russian soldiers killed or gravely wounded every month, according to NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte in an interview with the Financial Times on July 1, 2026.
These two figures do not come from anonymous Ukrainian sources or activists. They come from Ukraine's Commander-in-Chief and from the leader of the most important military alliance in the Western world. Their institutional credibility is high. But in a conflict where information is a weapon, even the most serious figures deserve to be examined, contextualized, and confronted with what other available sources confirm or qualify.
The method of this fact-check
This fact-check does not claim to access independent intelligence data. It confronts the claims against available sources, identifies corroborations, notes uncertainties, and separates what is established from what is estimation. The FIRE classification will be used: F (verified fact), I (cautious inference), R (possible sentiment never presented as certainty), E (editorial image that illuminates without replacing the fact).
Fact-Check No. 1: 721,300 Russian Soldiers in Ukraine
The source: Syrskyi to the Times, late June 2026
CLAIM: Russia has concentrated 721,300 military personnel on Ukrainian territory as of late June 2026.
PRIMARY SOURCE: Oleksandr Syrskyi, Commander-in-Chief of the Ukrainian Armed Forces, interview with the British daily the Times, reported by Militarnyi on June 26, 2026, and picked up by United24 Media the same day.
VERDICT: F — FACT CORROBORATED. The figure is directly attributed to the Ukrainian Commander-in-Chief in a reputable Western outlet. It is reproduced by several distinct sources (Militarnyi, United24 Media, RBC-Ukraine) with the same numerical precision. The consistency across distinct sources reinforces the credibility of the attribution.
The trajectory that provides context
The figure of 721,300 did not appear from nowhere. It fits within a documented trajectory. At the end of 2025, according to Syrskyi himself at the 32nd meeting of the Ukraine defense contact group in December 2025 (as reported by Ukrinform), Russia had concentrated approximately 710,000 soldiers. In the first half of 2025, Russian force levels grew by 7,000 to 9,000 personnel per month. That growth slowed in the second half of 2025, with troop levels stabilizing around 710,000–711,000. At end of June 2026, the rise to 721,300 from that floor represents an increase of only 10,000–11,000 soldiers over approximately six months — well below the earlier pace.
That deceleration is itself significant information. It suggests Russia is struggling to maintain its build-up pace despite an official objective of recruiting 409,000 personnel in 2026 according to data cited by LB.ua in January 2026. The gap between declared recruitment ambition and the actual observable growth is an indicator of the pressure Russia's mobilization capacity is under.
Fact-Check No. 2: 35,000 Russian Losses Per Month
The source: Rutte to the Financial Times, July 1, 2026
CLAIM: Russia kills or gravely wounds 35,000 of its own soldiers every month.
PRIMARY SOURCE: Mark Rutte, NATO Secretary General, interview with the Financial Times, July 1, 2026, reported notably by EuroMaidan Press.
VERDICT: F — FACT CORROBORATED BY MULTIPLE INDEPENDENT SOURCES. This figure is not an isolated statement. It is corroborated by the following sources:
1. Rutte himself in February 2026 in an interview with the Moscow Times: "In December 2025, they lost 35,000 of their own men, and in January 2026 — 30,000." The 30,000–35,000 per month range thus appears in two separate Rutte interviews with two different outlets. 2. The British government, in a statement to the OSCE in April 2026, confirmed that Russian monthly losses in early 2026 exceeded 30,000, slightly below the 2025 monthly average of approximately 35,000. 3. Militarnyi (June 26, 2026), drawing on Syrskyi's statements, cites Russian losses at between 30,000 and 35,000 personnel per month. The convergence between NATO's Secretary General, Ukraine's Commander-in-Chief, and the British government on this range constitutes strong corroboration.
What the figure includes and what it does not say
It is crucial to understand what "killed or gravely wounded" means in this context. F: Syrskyi stated in his Times interview that the current ratio of killed to wounded in Russian ranks is 3 to 1 (according to Ukrainian intelligence data) — or, according to data intercepted by the HUR (Ukrainian military intelligence), 62% killed and 38% wounded. This ratio is unusual in modern conflicts, where wounded typically outnumber killed. It suggests either very high mortality from wounds (inadequate medical care, poor evacuation conditions), or a more inclusive definition of "killed."
The figure of 35,000 therefore includes both deaths and wounds serious enough to prevent return to combat. It excludes light wounds and soldiers injured who quickly return to the front. It is a figure of net operational loss — the most relevant measure for evaluating the actual impact on Russian combat capabilities.
Internal Coherence: Do Both Figures Support Each Other?
The mathematics of attrition
If Russia is losing 35,000 soldiers per month (killed or gravely wounded) and its troop levels remain roughly stable around 720,000, this implies that recruitment approximately compensates for losses. 35,000 losses × 12 months = 420,000 annual losses. If Russia recruits approximately 409,000 personnel in 2026 according to its own official plans, net troop growth should be close to zero — or slightly negative. Yet troop levels rose from 710,000 to 721,300 between end-2025 and end-June 2026, a net increase of approximately 11,000 over six months.
I (cautious inference): These figures are coherent if one supposes that actual 2026 recruitment has slightly exceeded losses over that semester. Syrskyi himself confirmed this: since January 1, 2026, Ukrainian forces have killed or gravely wounded 183,500 Russian soldiers, which exceeds the 180,500 recruits enlisted by Russia over the same period. Russian recruitment has not been covering losses since January 2026. The 11,000 increase observed therefore most likely comes from the reserve of personnel on hand (healed wounded, new units, logistics personnel reclassified as combatants).
The "inflection point" Syrskyi refuses to proclaim
Syrskyi stated in his Times interview: "Our main goal is to ensure that the enemy loses more than 1,000 personnel killed or wounded every day." That figure — 1,000 per day — corresponds precisely to the 30,000–35,000 per month range. The objective is therefore being met. But Syrskyi added with a precision worth noting: it is too early to speak of a strategic inflection point. Russia has not exhausted its mobilizable reserves. It has not abandoned its offensive objectives. It has not retreated significantly on the front. It is bleeding. It continues.
That paradox — an army sustaining losses that exceed its recruitment since early 2026, yet continuing to apply operational pressure on Ukrainian forces — may be the most unsettling feature of this war. Russia is not behaving like a rational army calculating its odds. It is behaving like a state apparatus accepting human costs that no Western democracy would accept.
The "Thousand Cuts" Tactic: What Syrskyi Says About Russian Methods
Pressure along the entire front line
Syrskyi described Russia's current tactic in these terms: "Exactly as last year, they use the 'thousand cuts tactic,' trying to penetrate as deeply as possible into our defenses." That formulation — "thousand cuts" — describes a distributed attrition approach: constant attacks by small assault groups along the entire length of the front line, with the aim of exhausting Ukrainian units on several simultaneous axes rather than seeking a decisive breakthrough at a single point.
This tactic has a logic of its own for an army that has more personnel than tactical sophistication. By forcing Ukrainian defenders to maintain vigilance across the entire front, it immobilizes defensive resources that could otherwise be concentrated elsewhere. The human cost to Russia is high — newly recruited Russian soldiers survive between 20 and 35 minutes on the front under Ukrainian FPV drones according to intelligence data cited in the context of the article. But that cost is accepted as long as the attrition objective is achieved.
The Oleksandrivka sector: 71,000 soldiers on a single axis
To illustrate Russian force concentration, Syrskyi had provided in June 2026 a striking sector-level figure: in the Oleksandrivka sector alone, Russian forces exceeded 71,000 soldiers. A similar number was concentrated in the sectors of Hulyaipole and Orikhiv in the southern operational zone. These sector-level concentrations confirm that the 721,300 soldiers are not spread evenly across 1,200 kilometers of front. They are massed on strategic axes, creating intense local pressure.
I (cautious inference): If the Oleksandrivka, Hulyaipole, and Orikhiv sectors together concentrate approximately 210,000 soldiers (3 × 70,000), that represents approximately 29% of total force on those three southern front axes. Such concentration means some parts of the front are less densely covered — which explains why Ukrainian tactics focus on identifying those areas of weakness rather than statically holding every kilometer of line.
Russian Recruitment: The Methods That Reveal the Shortage
The fall in contract recruitment
The recruitment of contract soldiers — volunteers who sign up with financial bonuses — has fallen by one third in spring 2026 compared to the same period in 2025, according to Militarnyi. That data point is consistent with the deceleration observed in total troop growth. The financial bonus, the main recruitment incentive in Russia's poorest regions, is losing its appeal as information about real front conditions and mortality rates spreads despite censorship.
To compensate, Russian authorities have adopted recruitment methods not normally associated with a professional army. Individuals subject to criminal investigations or in detention can be enlisted in exchange for abandonment of charges. A covert recruitment campaign disguised as "civilian rear jobs" has been quietly launched. Job listings with large bonuses have begun appearing in Belarus and China — a significant geographic extension suggesting that Russia's domestic recruitment pool is under strain.
Belarusian and Chinese recruits: a fact to be precise about
I (cautious inference): The presence of Russian military job listings disguised as "civilian jobs" in Belarus and China is reported by Militarnyi. Precision is required: these are job listings, not the forcible recruitment of foreign nationals. The targets are Belarusian nationals and residents in China (potentially Russian expatriate citizens or nationals of Central Asian countries linked to Russia). This cross-border recruitment illustrates the geographic extension of Russia's mobilization efforts, but does not constitute formal foreign conscription.
That distinction matters for maintaining factual accuracy. Claiming that Russia is recruiting Chinese soldiers would be inaccurate. Claiming that it is posting military job listings disguised as civilian posts in China is what the available sources document. The line between inference and fact must be held in a fact-check.
FPV Drones: The 33,000-Per-Day Objective
From 6,000–7,000 currently to 33,000 — a fivefold jump
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CLAIM: Russia is currently deploying 6,000 to 7,000 FPV drones per day on the fronts, with a documented objective of 33,000 FPV drones per day by end of 2026.
SOURCE: Syrskyi, interview with the Times, reported by Militarnyi (June 26, 2026).
VERDICT: F for the current figure. I for the future objective. The figure of 6,000–7,000 FPV drones per day corresponds to an operational reality documented by field reports for several months. The 33,000 objective comes from intelligence reports intercepted by Ukrainian forces according to Syrskyi — it is therefore an objective stated by Russia in its internal communications, not a currently proven capability.
Such an objective — multiplying daily FPV drone production fivefold in six months — represents a considerable industrial challenge. I: If Russia achieves even 50% of that objective, i.e., 16,000–17,000 FPV drones per day, that will represent significant additional pressure on Ukrainian defenses. The race between Russian production of attack drones and Ukrainian production of interceptor drones is one of the central technological stakes of the coming months.
What FPV drones do on the front
FPV (First Person View) drones are used primarily to target soldiers, light vehicles, and infantry positions at short range. Their cost is low — a few hundred to a few thousand dollars per unit. Their accuracy can be high when operated by trained pilots. Their own loss rate is also high — many are shot down or jammed before reaching their target. Quantity is their main weapon.
For Ukrainian soldiers on the front, that daily deluge of 6,000 to 7,000 FPV drones creates permanent psychological and tactical pressure. Surface movement becomes dangerous. Supply logistics are disrupted. Personnel rotations are complicated. It is the "thousand cuts" tactic applied from the air: not to kill at scale but to paralyze movement and exhaust morale.
The Offensive Toward the North: Putin Signs, Chernihiv Is Targeted
The 19 localities forcibly displaced since July 1
Among the information reported in the context of Syrskyi's figures, one detail deserves separate fact-checking: Russia has reportedly forcibly displaced 19 localities in the Chernihiv region beginning July 1, 2026, following Putin's signing of northward offensive plans. That information, if confirmed, represents a significant geographic development in the conflict — military pressure on areas that had been less directly affected by fighting since Russia's withdrawal from the Kyiv region in March 2022.
I (cautious inference): Available data on Russian northward offensive plans comes from Ukrainian sources — military intelligence, official statements. It is consistent with observed troop concentrations and recent attack patterns. But independent confirmation of these specific plans and of the forced displacements remains limited to Ukrainian sources at the time of writing. That uncertainty is maintained in this fact-check.
The context: 1,200 kilometers of front, 721,300 soldiers
To contextualize all these figures: the front line in Ukraine extends approximately 1,200 kilometers. With 721,300 Russian soldiers deployed, that represents a theoretical density of 600 soldiers per kilometer of front. In reality, density varies considerably by sector — areas of maximum pressure (Oleksandrivka, Hulyaipole, Pokrovsk) see far higher concentrations, while other sectors are less densely covered.
That average density of 600 soldiers per kilometer is comparable to major World War II offensives — which gives the measure of this conflict's intensity. Ukrainian forces confront that mass with fewer troops, sometimes insufficient armaments, compensated by technological superiority (drones, precision), better motivation, and terrain every defender knows by heart.
What the Numbers Do Not Say
Ukrainian losses: the other side of the ledger
This fact-check focuses on Russian figures, but factual honesty requires noting that Ukrainian losses are not publicly detailed with the same precision. Ukraine does not publish its casualty figures. Estimates vary considerably depending on the source — unofficial Western figures suggest losses in the tens of thousands, but independent verification is impossible. That asymmetry in data availability is a real limit of any fact-check on the figures of this war.
R (possible sentiment, never presented as certainty): It is reasonable to suppose that Ukrainian losses, while likely lower than Russian losses relative to the losses-to-troop-size ratio, are significant and represent a real human cost for a nation whose demographics are smaller than Russia's. That demographic asymmetry — Ukraine 44 million inhabitants, Russia 143 million — is the structural factor that makes Russia's attrition strategy potentially sustainable in the long run even with high losses.
The bias of Ukrainian and NATO sources
Both central figures in this fact-check come respectively from Ukraine's Commander-in-Chief and NATO's Secretary General. Both actors have an institutional interest in presenting data that supports the narrative of support for Ukraine: showing that Russia is bleeding, that attrition is working, that the cost to Moscow is unbearable. That potential bias does not mean the numbers are false — they are corroborated by independent sources. But it means epistemic caution remains warranted.
The golden rule of wartime fact-checking: seek independent corroborations, distinguish facts from inferences, and never present as certain what remains contestable. This fact-check has applied that rule. The conclusion is that both principal figures — 721,300 soldiers and 35,000 monthly losses — are solidly corroborated by multiple sources that are mutually consistent.
Summary: What Is Established, What Is Inferred
The FACTS (F) established by this fact-check
F1. Syrskyi declared to the Times in late June 2026 that Russia had concentrated 721,300 soldiers in Ukraine. Corroborated by Militarnyi, United24 Media, RBC-Ukraine.
F2. Rutte declared to the Financial Times on July 1, 2026, that Russia loses 35,000 soldiers killed or gravely wounded per month. Corroborated by his own statements to the Moscow Times (February 2026) and by the British statement to the OSCE (April 2026).
F3. Since January 1, 2026, Ukrainian forces have eliminated or gravely wounded 183,500 Russian soldiers — exceeding the 180,500 recruits enlisted by Russia over the same period. (Source: Syrskyi, Times / RBC-Ukraine.)
F4. Russian troop levels rose from 710,000 at end-2025 to 721,300 at end-June 2026 — a net increase of 11,000 over six months, well below the pace of 7,000–9,000 per month from the first half of 2025.
F5. Russian contract soldier recruitment fell by one third in spring 2026 compared to 2025. Russia is now recruiting people under criminal investigation and posting job listings disguised as civilian positions in Belarus and China.
The cautious INFERENCES (I)
I1. The convergence between monthly losses (35,000) and planned annual recruitment (409,000) suggests Russia is operating at a threshold where mobilization no longer covers losses over time — a situation confirmed by Syrskyi for the first six months of 2026.
I2. Russia's objective of 33,000 FPV drones per day by end of 2026 is drawn from intercepted intelligence reports. It represents a declared objective, not a confirmed capability. Such a production jump in six months represents a major industrial challenge even for the Russian war economy.
The Diplomatic Impact: Why These Figures Are Circulating Now
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Rutte in Washington before Ankara
It was not by chance that Rutte cited the figure of 35,000 monthly losses in his Financial Times interview of July 1, 2026 — one week before the NATO summit in Ankara. That figure carries a precise diplomatic function: convincing Donald Trump that the military trajectory is favorable for Ukraine, that American investment is producing measurable results, and that sustaining support is not an open-ended commitment into a bottomless pit but an investment in an already-unfolding victory.
Trump, according to Rutte himself, acknowledged during their White House meeting the improved trajectory of Ukraine on the battlefield. That presidential acknowledgment is politically valuable: it allows NATO to present support for Ukraine as an American success as much as a European one. Military figures thus become political arguments in the battle to maintain the Western coalition.
Syrskyi at the Times: informing, not propagandizing
Syrskyi's Times interview is a format standard for wartime commanders-in-chief: an interview with a major Western daily to communicate battlefield realities to allied public opinion and policy-makers. The numerical precision — 721,300, not "approximately 700,000" — lends credibility to the statement. It can be partially verified by independent sources, and it engages Syrskyi's personal accountability.
That numerical precision is itself a signal: it says that Ukrainian intelligence services have granular knowledge of enemy troop levels. It is a capability claim. The figure of 721,300 is simultaneously information about the enemy and a demonstration of intelligence competence. Both are politically useful to Kyiv ahead of the Ankara summit.
The Historical Perspective: These Figures in the Context of the War
More than four years of total war
Russia has been fighting in Ukraine at full scale since February 24, 2022 — more than four years at the time of this fact-check. Over that period, cumulative estimates of Russian losses vary by source. Ukraine regularly cites total casualty figures in its daily bulletins. Data from the Institute for the Study of War (ISW) and other independent organizations provide independent estimates. These cumulative figures are not the subject of this fact-check, but they provide a framework: if monthly losses of 30,000–35,000 are sustained over the course of the war, total Russian losses would run into the hundreds of thousands.
For context: the Soviet Union lost approximately 15,000 soldiers in Afghanistan between 1979 and 1989 — ten years of war. Russia may be losing 30 to 35 times more per month in this conflict. That is a measure of the unprecedented intensity of this war in modern Russian history.
What these figures predict — and what they do not
Monthly losses exceeding recruitment do not mechanically lead to defeat. Russia can increase its mobilization, as it has done in waves since 2022. It can reduce the pace of operations to conserve troop numbers. It can seek a diplomatic solution. It can also accept losses that no Western democracy would accept and continue until Ukraine's economic, political, or military collapse.
What these figures predict with certainty is that the war continues to cost Russia dearly — far more than it publicly admits. What they do not predict is the end date of the conflict. That last parameter depends on political, economic, and diplomatic variables that neither Syrskyi nor Rutte nor any analyst can predict with precision. Transparency about that limit is itself a form of factual honesty.
What Putin Will Never Say
The Kremlin and the management of loss statistics
Russia does not publish official data on its real military losses. The Kremlin releases minimal figures in occasional announcements, far below independent estimates. That opacity is a strategy: keeping the Russian population in ignorance of the real cost of the war is one of the conditions for maintaining domestic support for the conflict.
The fact that the Moscow Times reported in February 2026 on Rutte's statements about December 2025 (35,000) and January 2026 (30,000) losses — an independent outlet banned in Russia — illustrates that tension: the information exists, circulates in dissident Russian and international networks, but has no access to official domestic channels. The truth of Russian figures lives abroad. In Russia, it is censored.
The deaths of Russian soldiers as state secret
Thousands of Russian families receive monthly notifications of death or disappearance. Those families know. The villages know. Russia's poorest regions — where military recruitment is most intense — know. But that dispersed, fragmented, private knowledge does not translate into public political pressure in a regime without a free press or legal opposition. The figure of 35,000 losses per month remains abstract for most Russians — not because they do not believe their soldiers are dying, but because they have no means to name it collectively.
That impossibility of collectively naming the tragedy may be the most honest answer to the question: "Why does Russia continue despite these losses?" Because losses have no public voice. Because grief is privatized. Because the state apparatus controls the only space where figures could become resistance.
Conclusion: The Numbers Hold, the War Continues
The fact-check verdict
At the end of this fact-check, both central claims withstand scrutiny:
721,300 Russian soldiers in Ukraine: figure attributed to Syrskyi in a reputable Western outlet, corroborated by multiple independent sources, consistent with available trajectory data. VERDICT: TRUE, with the qualification that this figure is an estimate based on Ukrainian intelligence and not independently verifiable accounting data.
35,000 Russian soldiers killed or gravely wounded per month: figure attributed to NATO's Secretary General in a reference outlet, corroborated by his own earlier statements, by a British statement to the OSCE, and by Syrskyi's data on losses since January 2026. VERDICT: TRUE, with the qualification that this figure includes both killed AND gravely wounded, and corresponds to the high end of available estimates.
What these figures leave open
What this fact-check cannot establish: the strategic inflection point — when, if ever, the pressure of attrition will force Moscow to fundamentally alter its strategy. What this fact-check cannot predict: the duration and outcome of this conflict. What this fact-check has established: the war in Ukraine is costing Russia more than it admits, according to credible and corroborated sources. That reality deserves to be documented with precision — not to gloat, but so that the political decisions resting on that data are grounded in verified facts rather than wishful thinking.
What Ukraine Proves With These Numbers
Ukraine is holding — against all 2022 predictions
In February 2022, many Western capitals estimated Ukraine would fall within days or weeks. More than four years later, Ukraine is holding. It holds with an army that learned while fighting, a defense industry that grew tenfold in capacity, and imperfect but real allied support. Syrskyi's figures — 721,300 Russian soldiers facing Ukrainian forces — are the measure of what Ukraine still confronts today.
What these figures prove is that Ukrainian resistance is not miraculous. It is built, calculated, documented, supported. And it continues.
The invitation to sustain the pressure
Rutte and Syrskyi are publishing these figures before the Ankara summit to send a clear message to allies: the strategy is working, keep funding it. That message is legitimate. It is grounded in verifiable data. And it deserves to be heard by the governments still hesitating to formalize their commitments to Ukraine. The fact that Russian losses have exceeded recruitment since January 2026 is an invitation to continue — not to relax.
The pressure of attrition is working. The 35,000 monthly Russian losses are proof of it. And that proof, verified and corroborated, must be the central argument in every debate on support for Ukraine in the coming months.
By Maxime Marquette, columnist
Columnist's transparency note
Fact-checking method
This fact-check followed a three-step method: precise identification of the claims to be verified, research into primary attribution sources, and cross-referencing with independent corroboration sources. The FIRE classification (Fact / Inference / Possible Sentiment / Editorial Image) was applied to distinguish levels of certainty. Cited sources are dated and attributed. The limits of the fact-check — notably the impossibility of accessing independent military data from both parties — are explicitly named.
This columnist's editorial positioning is pro-Ukraine. That positioning did not lead to validating uncorroborated figures. On the contrary, it requires heightened factual rigor: a biased fact-check that validates inaccuracies would do more damage to the cause it supports than a rigorous fact-check that maintains its standards. Both primary verdicts — TRUE for 721,300 and TRUE for 35,000 — are based on available sources, not on a desire to see these figures confirmed.
What this fact-check cannot establish
Ukrainian losses are not included in this fact-check for lack of sufficiently detailed and independent public data. The outcome of the conflict is not projected. Russia's objective of 33,000 FPV drones per day is classified as inference (I) rather than fact (F) given its origin in intercepted intelligence rather than verifiable public data. The classification of "19 localities forcibly displaced in Chernihiv" remains an inference pending independent confirmation.
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Cite this article
Maxime Marquette (2026). FACT-CHECK: 721,300 Russian Soldiers and 35,000 Losses Per Month — What These Numbers Really Mean. MadMax. https://mad-max.co/en/article/fact-check-721-300-soldats-russes-et-35-000-pertes-par-mois-que-valent-vraiment
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