INVESTIGATION: Rubio Sidelined — The 2028 Succession War Behind the Iran Deal

The image that says everything

On Wednesday, June 17, 2026, at the G7 summit in France, Donald Trump stands before the cameras to comment on the memorandum of understanding with Iran. Beside him, Marco Rubio, Secretary of State of the United States, stands there silent with a stone face, according to the Los Angeles Times. Not a smile. Not a word. The same minute, Trump drops his favorite joke: "If it works, I get all the credit. If it fails, I blame JD." Around him, a few laughs. Rubio does not laugh.

This scene condenses an explosive reality that Washington has been watching for several weeks: Marco Rubio, traditionally the head of American diplomacy, has been edged out of the role of principal face of the Iran deal. In his place, JD Vance, vice president and declared adversary for the Trump succession in 2028, has taken center stage — negotiations in Islamabad, Bürgenstock, press conferences at the White House — with the explicit endorsement of the president himself.

A fundamental question of power

What is at play extends beyond a simple administrative task-sharing. The Iran deal — fragile, contested on both right and left, pushing decisive nuclear discussions back to a sixty-day window — has become the real testing ground for the 2028 Republican succession. Trump, by entrusting Vance with the role of negotiator and public spokesman, has transformed the biggest foreign policy file of his second term into a real-time presidential aptitude test.

Meanwhile, Rubio — the man that Mar-a-Lago donors were applauding near-unanimously in March 2026 as Trump's natural successor, according to NBC News — finds himself managing diplomatic reassurances in the Gulf, while his rival builds a presidential résumé on the indelible images of a peace deal. The 2028 succession war has already begun. And it is playing out against the backdrop of memoranda of understanding, nuclear negotiations, and tasteless jokes about accountability.

I do not think this is an accident. Trump is a reality television producer at heart. He has put two potential candidates in the arena — one with the risk, the other with the cover — and he is watching to see who survives. It is cruel, it is calculated, and it may be the most cynical form of presidential grooming the United States has ever known.

A well-documented skepticism

The Los Angeles Times reported, from two sources familiar with the situation, that Marco Rubio had explicitly opposed the Iran deal in its current form during internal deliberations. His reservation rested on intelligence reports concluding it was "highly unlikely that Tehran would abandon its nuclear ambitions." The deal, according to these analyses, granted Iran immediate economic concessions — notably the lifting of the American naval blockade on Iranian ports — in exchange for vague promises on the nuclear program.

Publicly, the official position of State Department spokesman Tommy Pigott was that "Secretary Rubio and the whole administration are 100% aligned behind President Trump." But the Washington Examiner noted that Rubio "had made no public comments on the final deal" and that his reserved attitude at the G7 seemed to indicate interior consternation. Dennis Lennox, Republican strategist, put it plainly: "The only plausible explanations are that Rubio was sidelined by Trump, who followed Vance's approach, or that Rubio is not totally comfortable defending this deal."

The chief architect reduced to a supporting role

The contradiction is staggering. Rubio had been the principal architect of the Trump administration's global strategy, combining the roles of Secretary of State and National Security Advisor. Since the start of negotiations in February 2026, he had briefed journalists on American positions, endured hours of parliamentary hearings, defended the strikes of Operation Epic Fury. He had declared before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee: "Iran no longer has a navy; a significant portion of its defense industry has been destroyed."

And yet, at the moment of signing and publicly selling the deal, it is Vance who stands at the White House podium, it is Vance who arrives at Bürgenstock in Switzerland to negotiate with the Iranian delegations alongside Jared Kushner and Steve Witkoff. A White House official told Fox News Digital that Vance was chosen for his role because "his position as vice president gives him the rank needed to mobilize key actors like Qatar and Pakistan." That is a technical explanation. Behind it lies a political decision.

Danielle Pletka's phrase comes back to me on a loop: "Rubio has always been a hawk on Iran, and Vance has always been an appeaser." What I read in it is that Trump chose the appeaser to sell the deal — and left the hawk to cover himself in silence. That may be the sign that Trump knows exactly what flavor of successor suits him.

The voluntary gamble of maximum exposure

According to CNN, Vance solicited the role himself. A source familiar with the internal deliberations told the network that the vice president had told Trump "that he wanted to take the lead in the public defense of the deal." A senior official confirmed that Trump had encouraged him to play a central role. The officially stated reason: the majority of senior officials involved in the negotiations were at the G7 with Trump, leaving few alternatives for spokespersons. But Vance was not waiting to be asked — he had seen the opportunity and moved.

During the week of June 16, Vance multiplied media appearances — more than a dozen, according to CNN — while also promoting his new book. He defended the deal on Fox News, CNBC, CBS, in White House press briefings. He declared: "If Iranians abide by this deal, this will fundamentally transform the Middle East." He answered skeptics: "There are people who just want the bombing to continue, regardless of whether it serves American interests." He presented himself as the defender of peace, the man who had dared to take the risk.

The man who stays up until two in the morning

During a statement on Monday, June 22, Vance described the nocturnal work the deal required: "It's funny, we were trying to call some IAEA inspectors last night at around two in the morning. As you can imagine, not a lot of people pick up the phone at two in the morning." The anecdote was calculated: a vice president working until dawn to secure nuclear inspections — that is precisely the image of a man who wants to be seen in the thick of it. That same Monday, he announced that the IAEA had obtained Iran's agreement to return and inspect nuclear facilities — ending a year-long standoff.

Politico described Vance as having "taken a political gamble in representing the administration in this preliminary peace deal" and as being "the first step toward permanent denuclearization or the complete halt of Iran's nuclear weapons program." For a man commentators described as "a former Iran war skeptic" — having had hesitations before the February 2026 strikes — this transformation into a champion of Iranian diplomacy is spectacular. And entirely constructed for 2028.

Vance is intelligent. He knows the deal can fail. He knows Trump publicly said he would put the blame on him. But he calculated that visibility is worth the risk. For someone who needs to show he can handle foreign policy on a grand scale, it is the only possible path. That is courage or madness — probably both.

The joke that is not a joke

On June 18, 2026, during a press conference at the G7, Donald Trump publicly articulated what many had been guessing privately: "If it works out, I'm going to credit JD. If it doesn't work out, I'm blaming JD." Then, looking at his vice president: "You'd better be careful, JD!" The next day, during a White House briefing, a journalist directly asked Vance if he feared Trump had been serious. Vance's answer: "Not at all." He added: "I believe the president was joking."

Perhaps. But Trump had also said, in public, at a White House event in March: "I'll tell you, he'll be remembered as the greatest Secretary of State in the history of America, Marco Rubio. I hope he doesn't become too popular. You know, when they get too popular, all of a sudden you say, 'Where's Marco? He's not there anymore.'" These two statements, taken together, draw a pattern: Trump tests, teases, puts in competition — and decides who wins. This has been his management style for decades.

The Mar-a-Lago poll

NBC News revealed that in early March 2026, on the very night the United States and Israel launched the first strikes on Iran, Trump had gathered about twenty Republicans at Mar-a-Lago — including Robert Kraft of the New England Patriots and Georgian billionaire Rick Jackson — and posed the question: "Marco or JD?" According to two participants, the answer was "almost unanimous for Marco." Another described the room as more balanced. But all agreed on one point: Trump is playing the role of kingmaker, and he takes pleasure in putting his own potential heirs in competition.

According to the same sources, a former Trump administration official commented: "This is totally typical of Trump. He does it often. And it often lacks real significance." Yet the repetition of these informal polls, combined with the choice of Vance as the face of Iran, suggests Trump is beginning to actively form an opinion about who will be his successor — even as he keeps his cards hidden.

What strikes me in this serial is that Trump has never truly stopped campaigning. He is obsessed with the question of his legacy, of who embodies his movement after him. Vance and Rubio are his political creations — and he is making them joust in his personal arena. The problem is that the stakes are real: a nuclear deal with Iran, stability in the Gulf, Israel's security. Trump's "Apprentice" has concrete geopolitical consequences.

Twenty years of tough talk on Iran

Understanding Rubio's silence requires understanding who he fundamentally is. Since his entry into the Senate, Marco Rubio has been one of the most fervent advocates for a hard line on Iran. He voted against the 2015 JCPOA, described Iran as the world's principal state sponsor of terrorism, and argued for maximum sanctions. Danielle Pletka, foreign policy analyst, said it plainly to the Los Angeles Times: "Rubio has always been a hawk on Iran, and Vance has always been an appeaser."

The structure of the MOU deal — immediate lifting of the naval blockade, vague promises on the nuclear file pushed back to sixty days of negotiations — runs counter to everything Rubio has defended for two decades. He had declared before the Senate in June 2026 that Iran "no longer had a navy, that its defense industry had been seriously damaged" — meaning the United States was negotiating from a position of strength. Accepting a deal that his own intelligence analysts judge incapable of stopping the Iranian nuclear program is, for him, an intellectually unacceptable capitulation.

Why stay silent rather than oppose

The answer is simple and brutal: nobody survives a frontal opposition to Trump. Rubio learned that lesson from the National Security Council purges he himself orchestrated on the president's orders. Politico reported that a former American NATO ambassador, Mark Daalder, had articulated the administration's internal logic: "The absence of process is precisely what Trump wants. And that's what Rubio delivers." Whoever imposed a rigorous validation process would be fired.

Rubio therefore chose the third path: quietly handling the diplomatic background. While Vance holds the podium at Bürgenstock, Rubio travels to the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, and Bahrain — Gulf states that have expressed concerns about certain aspects of the deal. The State Department announced that Rubio would discuss with their leaders the American-Iranian memorandum and "regional priorities," notably freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz. Quiet work, indispensable, but without camera lights.

I respect Rubio's strategy on the political level. Staying silent when his chief accepts a deal he considers bad is a personal humiliation, but it is also proof that he understands power better than many. The problem is that this form of cold discipline can also be read as a lack of courage. In 2028, Republican voters will ask him the question: where were you when it was time to defend your convictions?

Five calls per day "on quiet days"

Vance and Rubio do everything to minimize the competitive dimension of their relationship. The vice president declared to NBC that he could "almost sense" that the media would build a rivalry narrative between them, adding: "Most of the time, I don't care about it. I don't even really think about that. My attitude is that if I run in 2028, I'm not entitled to anything — but I genuinely think Marco and I could do a lot together over the coming years." He claimed to communicate with Rubio at least five times a day "on quiet days."

In an interview with the New York Times video opinion section published on June 19, 2026, Vance was asked about the fact that he holds a higher rank in the order of succession than Rubio. His answer: "Yes, that's correct. Nevertheless, the whole team contributed. I think the reason I took a particular interest in this issue, and the reason the president gave me specific responsibilities, is that I genuinely care about this subject." Diplomatic translation: I am the one doing the negotiating, not him.

The competition beneath the surface

Behind the cordial facade, Vance's aides consider Rubio "his most viable challenger for the Republican nomination if the secretary chooses to run," according to the Los Angeles Times. A Republican senator, speaking anonymously, confided to NBC News: "Trump talks about Marco rather than JD. I think he has an affection for him. He respects his competence when it is not in direct competition with him. Meanwhile, JD seems to be struggling." Another Republican commentator, strategist Barrett Marson, had summarized Rubio's strategy to Politico in late May 2026: "Marco Rubio is the smartest man in a room full of Nobel Prize winners for staying out of the Iran war."

NBC News polls from March 2026 reveal a real but not crushing gap: 77% of Republicans view Vance favorably, against 66% for Rubio. Vance is ahead. But Rubio is closing in, and the fragility of the Iran deal could change everything. A long-standing Republican donor, speaking anonymously, summarized the race this way: "It's 80-20 Marco" — before adding, doubtfully, that the real question was whether Rubio actually had the fire to fight.

This "friendship" reminds me of the old rivalries in the Roman Senate — consular officials who smile in public and spy on each other in private. I am not saying Vance and Rubio hate each other. But in American politics at this level, friendship and competition are not mutually exclusive. They cohabit, permanently, against a backdrop of calculations that neither will ever verbalize publicly.

A memorandum of understanding with fragile foundations

The deal signed on June 15, 2026 is a fourteen-point memorandum of understanding. It provides for the immediate lifting of the American naval blockade on Iranian ports, the return of Iranian exports and imports, and Tehran's commitment to "make its best efforts" to reopen the Strait of Hormuz to pre-war levels. In exchange, Iran agreed "in principle" not to develop nuclear weapons — a commitment it had already made on multiple previous occasions — and to allow the return of IAEA inspectors. Discussions on the details of the nuclear program are pushed back to a sixty-day window.

The New York Times, in its analysis of June 19, 2026, stressed that "representatives of Iran and the United States describe the terms in radically different ways," that the deal "does not resolve the critical questions about Iran's nuclear ambitions," and that talks had been delayed "with no clear indication of when they would resume or what would happen if these questions remained unresolved." Professor Robert Pape was more direct: "This deal is a road map for Iran to become a rising and stronger power in the Persian Gulf — stronger than it is even today."

The sixty-day window as a political time bomb

Analyst Reid Pauly predicted in the Los Angeles Times that the sixty-day window would inevitably be extended, "taking this issue to the heart of the midterm elections and beyond." He added: "There will be a lot of incentives in the administration to distance themselves from this fiasco." This is precisely what Rubio anticipated by keeping his distance. If the nuclear negotiations stall — and the CIA's mistrust, reported by Axios, about Iranian reliability suggests that is likely — whoever put their name on the deal will pay the bill.

The question of uranium enrichment remains the unresolved central knot. Trump had demanded a complete halt to all enrichment. Iran categorically refuses to abandon what it considers a sovereign right. The two positions are incompatible. What the memorandum accomplished is to defer the explosion to a later date — creating the images of a "peace" for the present moment, while knowing that the real negotiations have not yet begun.

I cannot help but think of 2015, of Obama's JCPOA that Trump had called "the worst deal in American history." This new deal looks like the same thing in a degraded version — fewer guarantees, more uncertainty, with an electoral time bomb as bonus for 2028. If Iran resumes its nuclear activities in eighteen months, someone will have to answer. And that someone will be Vance.

The hard right between anger and resignation

The fragility of the deal can be read not only in academic commentary. It can be read in the internal reactions of the Republican Party. Senator Tim Sheehy (R-MT) publicly declared on June 22 that if Vance failed to conclude a lasting deal, "Rubio should be waiting to take the negotiations in hand." He also expressed his distrust of Iranian good faith, invoking Tehran's traditional "rope-a-dope" — a strategy to buy time until the end of the Trump mandate.

More fundamentally, the deal fractures the Republican Party on the question of America in the world. Vance himself, on Megyn Kelly's podcast, had described a Republican faction that "wants to send ground troops, hundreds of thousands of soldiers into Iran." These hard-line advocates — often the same who support Rubio for his hawkish record — see in the memorandum a betrayal. Donald Trump signed a deal that his own allies call JCPOA 2.0.

Democrats lying in wait

On the Democratic side, Senator Cory Booker confronted Rubio at his June 2 parliamentary hearing with a stinging phrase: "The war isn't over. And yet, the American people see how we're losing at the pump and with their costs, and this thing is still not resolved." Rubio had responded that the war was "over" — an assertion that energy prices and the situation in Lebanon directly contradicted. The Washington Examiner noted that the final deal "appears to contradict Rubio's most fundamental convictions about foreign policy toward Iran."

In this explosive political environment, every word spoken by Vance and every silence from Rubio is scrutinized, interpreted, turned over. The New York Times published an analysis entitled "Vance's vague and misleading claims about the Iran deal," noting that the vice president had tried to refute criticisms without always relying on solid facts. The deal's fragility amplifies the political fragility of its champion.

What disturbs me most in this Republican debate is the total absence of any long-term strategic vision. The West needs a coherent policy on Iran — not a series of electoral poker moves. Iran remains a real threat to Israel, to global navigation, to Gulf stability. Reducing the Iranian nuclear question to a calculation of American presidential succession is irresponsible and potentially catastrophic.

A president-king and his crown princes

The New York Times reported in late May 2026 that Trump had privately expressed doubts about Vance's ability to lead the Republican movement after him. Despite these reservations, he continued to entrust him with major foreign policy responsibilities. According to the same article, Trump frequently consulted his entourage to compare Vance and Rubio — a well-known management habit of those who have worked with him. A seasoned adviser had summarized: "It's simply typical Trump. He does it often. And it often lacks real significance."

But the significance is there. CNN reported in April 2026 that Trump had "closely followed Vance's actions regarding Iran and frequently asked his associates how they would rate his performance." The president sends his vice president to the front lines — to Islamabad in April, to Bürgenstock in June — and asks his circles what they think. It is a full-scale screen test, with the real stakes of American foreign policy as the set.

The calculated ambivalence of the kingmaker

Trump is careful to maintain ambiguity. He said of Vance that he was "probably the frontrunner" to inherit the MAGA movement in August 2025. He said of Rubio he would be "remembered as the greatest Secretary of State in American history." He said he would think "one slightly more than the other" — without specifying which. Spokesman Steven Cheung mechanically repeated that "the administration is committed to defending the American people" and that media speculation would not make it deviate. Behind this official screen, Trump continues to probe, test, compare.

A former Trump official said something particularly revealing to CNN: "Someone convinced JD Vance that a bad deal is better than no deal. Clearly, nobody else wants to take the blame if it goes wrong." This sentence summarizes everything: in the Trump system, there is always a volunteer to carry the cross — and the kingmaker watches from the stands to see who remains standing.

Trump has always operated this way. In business, on television, in the White House. He creates situations of uncertainty and watches who survives. It is a brutal but real selection method. What concerns me is that this "test" is taking place on the stage of Iranian nuclear policy — and Iran is not playing a role. Tehran is playing for its own interests, with a strategic patience that Washington chronically underestimates.

A humiliating diplomatic precedent

This is not the first time Vance has found himself on the front lines for an Iran deal and come out weakened. In April 2026, he had led the American delegation to Islamabad for talks with Iranian representatives, facilitated by Pakistan. The negotiations ended in a public failure. CNN had reported that some senior White House officials had estimated Vance "had not fully measured the implications" of putting himself forward: "He put himself forward, and the headline was: 'Vance loses.'"

CNBC had reported in late April that "Vance's setbacks on Iran and with Orbán raised questions about his standing with Trump." The London Independent had headlined a "triple weekend blow" striking Vance's 2028 hopes. The fact that the deal was ultimately concluded in June, with Vance once again on the front lines at Bürgenstock, demonstrates both the vice president's political resilience and the tactical amnesia of his approach.

Vance's supporters bet on the long term

Curt Mills, executive director of The American Conservative and a Vance supporter, provided CNN with the most honest argument in favor of the vice president's risk-taking: "If the deal collapses, if it turns out to be a massive failure, if it becomes very unpopular, Vance will be the scapegoat. But the alternative was a disaster. JD will not become president if the administration remains this unpopular." This is a brutal political survival logic: a Vance who does nothing will go nowhere; a Vance who acts takes risks, but at least he exists.

Other people close to the vice president have argued that he could "come out of this ordeal with more strength," having "reinforced his foreign policy credentials ahead of 2028." An individual close to the White House had described Vance as "a steady hand in the message" and added: "I'm sure he assessed the risks, and that reassures me because he judged it was worth taking them." For now, the deal is holding — precariously. The sixty days of negotiations just beginning will be decisive.

I want to be honest here: I do not know if Vance made the right calculation. I know he made a calculation. And I know that in modern American politics, not calculating is already losing. What concerns me more is that Americans — and Western allies — deserve a foreign policy that is not dictated by Republican primary schedules.

The concrete consequences of Rubio's silence

While Washington stares at its navel in its succession race, the Strait of Hormuz — through which approximately 20% of the world's oil transits — remains in a state of uncertainty. The MOU deal stipulates that Iran will do its "best" to bring maritime traffic back to pre-war levels, and commits not to institute a toll system for only sixty days. Political economist Reid Pauly noted that this leaves the question open beyond the midterms, creating constant political pressure on the administration.

Fuel prices have remained elevated since the start of the conflict in February 2026. Senator Cory Booker had underlined this at Rubio's hearing: Americans feel it in their daily lives. Europe, Japan, South Korea — all dependent on the Persian Gulf for their energy supplies — are watching with concern as American diplomacy whose internal workings seem more preoccupied with the 2028 Republican primary than with the region's real stability.

Israel, the great unknown

The New York Times pointed out that the United States and Israel, which had launched the conflict together, are today deeply divided over the deal. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had not clearly indicated whether he would respect the terms of the memorandum. The fighting between the Israeli army and Hezbollah in Lebanon — which had nearly derailed negotiations on multiple occasions — was continuing. This latent instability is precisely what makes the deal so vulnerable: it depends on the goodwill of regional actors that Washington does not fully control.

Rubio, significantly, had concentrated his efforts on the management of the fragile ceasefire between Israel and Lebanon, according to the Washington Examiner. This is perhaps the only part of the equation where he could act without taking responsibility for the overall Iran deal. A way of remaining useful without being exposed — a strategy typical of a man who plays on multiple boards simultaneously.

The West must remain the center of the world, and that cannot just be a figure of speech. It means Washington must ensure the Strait of Hormuz stays free, that Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon, and that Israel survives as a state. These three imperatives are non-negotiable. If the Vance-Rubio-Trump deal compromises them for reasons of American electoral scheduling, it will be a betrayal of the West by itself.

The strategist who preserves himself

In April 2026, the Financial Times published an analysis that was becoming prophetic: Rubio had "deliberately distanced himself from the American-Iranian conflict in order not to be responsible for a potential failure of the negotiations and to maintain his position ahead of the 2028 elections." The British newspaper noted that the Secretary of State had already missed two important meetings on Iran. Its conclusion: "Rubio may already think that Iran is a complete failure, and the less he is associated with it, the better."

This reading was confirmed by the G7 evening narrative: Rubio was returning from a trip at 4 a.m. when Vance was taking the White House podium. This is not just a logistical coincidence. It is the systematic pattern of a man who manages his risk exposure with surgical precision. Barrett Marson, Republican strategist, had said it to Politico in May: "Marco Rubio is the smartest man in a room full of Nobel Prize winners for staying out of the Iran war."

The limits of this strategy

But strategic retreat has its costs. Danielle Pletka warned in the Los Angeles Times that Rubio would need to pitch a "return to normalcy" if he mounted a competitive presidential campaign — a harder line to hold when one has been officially "in lockstep" with every decision of the Trump administration. Former Republican New Hampshire Governor Chris Sununu summarized the paradox: "They're tied together to the success or failure of Iran. It really doesn't separate the one from the other, at least I don't think the electorate will see it that way."

If the deal holds and the Middle East stabilizes, Vance will reap the laurels — he was there, he negotiated, he took the risk. If the deal fails, Trump has already publicly designated his scapegoat. In both scenarios, Rubio played it safe. What remains to be proven is whether a strategy built on survival can also be a strategy for victory.

The question that has been gnawing at me since the beginning of this investigation is: what does Marco Rubio really think of all this? I do not have the answer. I know what his sources say off the record. I know what his stone face at the G7 said without a word. I know that politicians of his level wear multiple faces. But I think that somewhere, beneath all those layers of calculation, a man who spent twenty years believing Iran represents an existential threat to the West is watching a deal he considers insufficient — and biting his lips.

The most predictable and most unpredictable primary

All Republican strategists agree on one point: 2028 will be a two-person primary, Vance against Rubio — with possibly a handful of peripheral candidates. Former Governor Sununu had said: "I'm not sure anyone would run against those two." A long-standing Trump donor had added: "It's essentially a one-man primary between the two of them." NBC News polls show that 77% of Republicans view Vance favorably versus 66% for Rubio — a real advantage for the vice president, but not insurmountable.

Republican strategist Jim Merrill, a New Hampshire veteran, predicted that Iran would become a point of friction in 2028, just as the Iraq War had fractured Democrats in 2004 and 2008. If the deal holds, Vance can claim the peace. If the deal fails, Rubio can claim he was right to be skeptical — provided he maintained sufficient distance not to be tainted.

The Trump variable

At the center of all of this stands Donald Trump himself. He has said he wants to "lean toward" a successor in the Republican primaries. He has flattered both: Vance is "brilliant," Rubio will be "the greatest Secretary of State in history." But commentators note that in informal Mar-a-Lago gatherings, it is Rubio who draws spontaneous applause. And that Trump, obsessed with his legacy, may want to choose a successor who most resembles him — someone disruptive, unpredictable, capable of dominating the media.

Vance corresponds more to that profile. But Rubio, with his hawkish record on Iran, his institutional experience, and his capacity to reassure American allies, represents a different option: that of a competent Republican who preserves the West, rather than a disruptor who risks weakening it. For the West — and for countries like Ukraine, Israel, and Gulf nations — the question of who succeeds Trump is not abstract. It conditions the solidity of all the alliances built since 1945.

I will be direct: I prefer a strong West to a botched deal. And I find it alarming that the decision of who embodies this strong West is playing out in the wings of a fragile Iranian deal, against a backdrop of presidential jokes about accountability. America's allies are watching, keeping score, drawing their conclusions. Vance or Rubio — one or the other will have to answer for their choices. Not in the 2028 primaries, but in the real world, now.

A test without a safety net

The story we have just told is not only that of a complex Iran deal or chaotic diplomacy. It is the story of a president who has transformed his foreign policy into a selection device for his successor. By entrusting Vance with the visible and risky role, by keeping Rubio in a calculated semi-retreat, Trump created the conditions for a real-time trial whose results will be used to evaluate both men.

In doing so, he also created a dangerous precedent: major American foreign policy decisions are now colored by internal succession calculations. This is not new in the history of politics — but rarely have real geopolitical stakes served so explicitly as an arena for a presidential competition. Iran, the IAEA, the Strait of Hormuz, Gulf allies — all have had to incorporate into their calculations the fact that American policy toward them is partly dictated by a primary that has not yet begun.

The West cannot afford this distraction

China is watching. Russia is calculating. Iran is playing the long game — that famous "rope-a-dope" invoked by Senator Sheehy. These revisionist powers have no primaries to manage, no internal rivals to appease. They have decade-long strategies and a patience that American democracy makes structurally difficult to match. The West needs leaders capable of thinking twenty years out, not eighteen months. Vance and Rubio are both intelligent, competent, committed. The problem is that the system in which they operate forces them to be first and foremost candidates — before being strategists of Western power.

By Maxime Marquette, columnist

Editorial stance

I am not a journalist but a columnist and analyst. My expertise lies in observing and analysing the geopolitical, economic and strategic dynamics that shape our world. My work is to take political strategies apart, to understand global economic movements, to put the decisions of international actors in context and to offer analytical perspectives on the changes that are redefining our societies.

I do not claim the cold objectivity of traditional journalism, which stops at reporting facts. I claim analytical clarity, rigorous interpretation and a deep understanding of the complex issues that concern us all. My role is to give meaning to the facts, to place them in their historical and strategic context, and to offer a critical reading of events.

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