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The ColumnInvestigation· No. 367

INVESTIGATION: 13 Countries Stripped of TPS — The Map of a Targeted Migration Policy

Since Donald Trump's return to the White House in January 2025, the U.S. federal government has methodically revoked Temporary Protected Status —

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Key takeaways
  1. Since Donald Trump's return to the White House in January 2025, the U.S. federal government has methodically revoked Temporary Protected Status —
  2. Introduction: The Invisible Border of Racial Sorting
  3. A Program Dismantled Country by Country
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Introduction: The Invisible Border of Racial Sorting

A Program Dismantled Country by Country

Since Donald Trump's return to the White House in January 2025, the U.S. federal government has methodically revoked Temporary Protected StatusTPS — for thirteen of the seventeen countries that previously held it. Those thirteen nations are: Afghanistan, Cameroon, Ethiopia, Haiti, Honduras, Myanmar, Nepal, Nicaragua, Somalia, South Sudan, Syria, Venezuela, and Yemen. The result: approximately one million people risk losing their legal status, their work authorization, and their protection from deportation.

TPS, established by the U.S. Congress in 1990, allows nationals of countries struck by wars, natural disasters, or serious humanitarian crises to live and work legally in the United States for periods of six, twelve, or eighteen months, renewable. Former Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem carried out the revocations one by one, each time invoking the claim that conditions on the ground had allegedly changed. The reality that federal courts have tried to examine is something else entirely: behind the procedural rhetoric lies a logic of demographic sorting with deeply troubling contours.

When the Map Reveals What the Rhetoric Conceals

Place the thirteen countries on a map, cross-reference their demographic and religious data, and a pattern emerges: all of them, without exception, belong to one or more of these profiles — Black majority, Latino majority, Muslim majority. Afghanistan, Somalia, Yemen, Syria: countries with Muslim and non-white majorities. Haiti, Cameroon, Ethiopia, South Sudan: Black African nations. Honduras, Nicaragua, Venezuela: Latino countries. Myanmar and Nepal: Southeast and South Asian nations with non-white populations. The stark contrast with the parallel welcome policy for white Afrikaners from South Africa — whose resettlement Trump celebrated at the White House in June 2026 on World Refugee Day — has not escaped the plaintiffs' attorneys or the federal judges who have studied the matter.

Journalist Jackie Calmes of the Los Angeles Times, in a column published on June 18, 2026, states the conclusion plainly: in her view, Trump has instituted an "openly racist" immigration policy, in which, in short, "only white Afrikaners need apply." Of the 6,000 refugees admitted to the United States before June 2026, nearly all came from South Africa, with the exception of three individuals from Afghanistan.

What This Status Actually Means

TPS is not a gift or an exception: it is a mechanism written into U.S. law to manage situations in which returning people to their country of origin would objectively endanger their lives. The 1990 law authorizes the Secretary of Homeland Security to designate a country for TPS if that country is struck by armed conflict, environmental disaster, or other extraordinary conditions — provided that designation is made in consultation with the relevant agencies, notably the State Department. This procedural detail — mandatory consultation — sits at the heart of the legal battles underway as of June 2026.

When Trump returned to power in January 2025, nearly 1.3 million people held TPS from seventeen countries. According to data from the Kaiser Family Foundation (KFF), published in May 2026, the revocations already in effect by March 31, 2026 — for Afghanistan, Cameroon, Honduras, Nepal, Nicaragua, and Venezuela — had already affected some 320,000 individuals. If all contested revocations were carried out, more than one million people would lose their status.

The Paradox of the Invoked "Temporariness"

The central argument of Noem and the Trump administration is that TPS has been "perverted" from its original intent of temporary protection and turned into quasi-permanent residency. "The administration is restoring TPS to its original temporary purpose," Noem declared in May 2025 upon announcing the end of status for Afghanistan. The argument has a surface coherence — except that it applies only to countries whose objective conditions have continued to deteriorate.

Haiti has never recovered from the magnitude 7.0 earthquake of 2010, which killed 300,000 people. Since the assassination of President Jovenel Moïse in July 2021, the country has been plunged into gang chaos. The U.S. State Department maintains a formal "do not travel" advisory for Haiti, citing risks of kidnapping, sexual assault, and robbery. Yemen, Somalia, Afghanistan, South Sudan: the same conclusion holds in every case. The "temporariness" invoked by Noem looks less like a principle than a pretext.

The Animus Argument: What Federal Judges Found

Judge Chen and Racial Discrimination

Federal judge Edward M. Chen, of the Northern District of California, has become the central figure of judicial resistance to TPS revocations. In his March 2025 ruling on the Venezuelan case, Chen found evidence that the termination was arbitrary and motivated by racial animus. "Acting on the basis of a negative group stereotype and generalizing that stereotype to the entire group is the classic example of racism," he wrote. More specifically, Chen found evidence of discriminatory animus from President Trump himself, and that "his intent and actions were directly linked to the actions taken by Secretary Noem."

The evidence examined by Judge Chen included a 2024 social media post by Noem in which she claimed Venezuela had "emptied its prisons and sent criminals to America." It also included Trump's repeated statements calling immigrants "criminals" and "terrorists" who "poison the blood of our country," as well as excerpts from a campaign speech in which Trump said, referring to immigrants: "And we have to live with these animals, but we're not going to live with them long, watch," according to documents cited in court filings compiled by Bloomberg Law in May 2025.

New Evidence on Haiti: A "Predetermined" Decision

On June 17, 2026, attorneys for Haitian TPS beneficiaries filed a motion before the U.S. Supreme Court seeking dismissal of the case, citing newly discovered DHS documents. These documents, according to the motion, "provide additional evidence that the decision to terminate Haiti's TPS was a predetermined outcome motivated by discriminatory animus." More troublingly, career DHS officials had recommended against ending Haitian status, but were overridden by a political appointee who issued an "unusual last-minute verbal directive" ordering them to abandon their recommendation. DHS had also not received the required consultation from the State Department before making its decision.

According to NPR, whose journalist Nina Totenberg reported on this motion on June 17, 2026, during April's oral arguments before the Supreme Court, Solicitor General John Sauer himself acknowledged, under pressure from Justice Amy Coney Barrett, that courts could review allegations of racial discrimination in such decisions. Attorney Geoffrey Pipoly, representing Haitian beneficiaries, had stated: "He had promised to end Haiti's TPS, and that is exactly what happened."

The Supreme Court: A Conservative Majority Facing Its Own Contradictions

The Signals of April 2026

On April 29, 2026, the U.S. Supreme Court heard oral arguments in the consolidated cases Trump v. Miot and Mullin v. Doe, concerning Haitian and Syrian TPS respectively. The signals sent by the conservative majority were troubling for plaintiffs. Chief Justice John Roberts emphasized the lack of federal court jurisdiction to evaluate TPS decisions. Justice Amy Coney Barrett expressed skepticism about the plaintiffs' procedural argument. Justice Samuel Alito questioned whether challengers could prevail if the Court interprets the TPS provision in line with its precedents.

Meanwhile, the liberal justices pushed back on the terrain of racial animus. Justice Sonia Sotomayor cited Trump's remarks calling Haiti a "disgusting," "filthy," and "revolting" country, his implicit comparisons between non-white immigrants and Norwegians, and his accusations that immigrants were "poisoning the blood" of America. Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson questioned the Solicitor General on how the Court could ignore these statements, including Trump's 2024 campaign claims that Haitian migrants in Springfield, Ohio, were eating residents' pets. A decision is expected late June or early July 2026, according to the Minnesota Lawyer and the Boston Globe.

What the Venezuelan Precedent Has Already Established

The Supreme Court has already sided with the administration in the Venezuelan case, twice: on May 19, 2025, then on October 3, 2025, in short, unsigned, unexplained orders. Those orders allowed the administration to revoke TPS protections for roughly 300,000 Venezuelans while litigation on the merits continued. Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson had written a dissent in October 2025, finding that the government had not demonstrated the urgent need for Supreme Court intervention. Justices Sotomayor and Kagan had also indicated they would have denied the administration's request. The precedent is dangerous: a decision favorable to the administration in the Haitian and Syrian cases could affect all 1.3 million current TPS holders.

Springfield, Ohio — Microcosm of a National Crisis

The city of Springfield, Ohio — roughly 60,000 inhabitants — has become the involuntary symbol of the Haitian TPS crisis. Some 15,000 Haitians settled there, providing the local community with the workforce it needed. Between 2021 and 2022, the arrival of these new residents generated $9.2 million in tax revenue for the city. Yet during the 2024 presidential campaign, Trump and his running mate JD Vance spread unsubstantiated claims that Haitian migrants were stealing and eating residents' pets — a rumor debunked by local authorities but widely amplified and never retracted.

Since the revocation of Haitian TPS, the city has suffered a double penalty. Clark County lost $4.25 million in federal funding, including $2.7 million from a Department of Health and Human Services grant for critical illnesses. The Springfield metropolitan area lost more than 1,000 jobs between 2024 and 2025, more than any other area in Ohio. City tax revenue fell from $9.2 million to $3 million between the 2021–2022 and 2023–2025 periods, according to Mother Jones.

Lives on Hold, With No End in Sight

Since February 3, 2026 — the date on which Haitian TPS was set to expire — more than 330,000 Haitians living in the United States have been in a state of legal limbo, provisionally protected by court orders but with no certainty about their future. In March 2026, TPS holders' Ohio driver's licenses expired and could not be renewed. Until June 5, 2026, the federal government had stopped issuing work permits and processing asylum applications not only for Haitians, but for nationals of 38 other countries in Latin America, Asia, and Africa, as well as Palestine — until a federal judge in Rhode Island blocked that policy.

Attorney Emily Brown, quoted by Mother Jones, describes the administration's overall strategy as a project of "mass delegalization.""They are trying to push people into the shadows and encourage them to simply give up and leave," she said. For the 330,000 Haitians concerned, the alternative to staying is returning to a country where the U.S. State Department itself advises against travel.

Afghanistan and Syria: Abandoned Allies

Afghanistan — Betrayal of Wartime Promises

The revocation of Afghan TPS — announced by Noem in May 2025 — carries a particularly cynical dimension. Thousands of Afghan nationals protected by TPS assisted U.S. armed forces during the twenty years of American military presence in Afghanistan, before fleeing the Taliban regime after the Kabul debacle of August 2021. Not only is Washington withdrawing their temporary protection, but according to the Los Angeles Times, the Trump administration is negotiating with third countries — including the Democratic Republic of Congo — to send Afghans there instead of admitting them to the United States. In the week before the publication of Calmes' column on June 18, 2026, several Afghans were among the roughly twenty-four refugees deported to the Central African Republic — a country for which the State Department advises against travel "for any reason."

Of the roughly 6,000 refugees admitted to the United States before June 2026, nearly all came from white South Africa, and only three from Afghanistan. The implicit message is brutally clear: the Trump administration would rather welcome Afrikaners threatened by land expropriation laws than former Afghan allies facing death at the hands of the Taliban.

Syria Caught Between Two Fires

For Syria, the administration justified the TPS revocation by claiming that the fall of the Assad regime at the end of 2024 meant the country was on a path to stabilization. Justice Brett Kavanaugh, during April 2026 oral arguments, appeared to accept this argument, suggesting that the regime change constituted a "significant change in circumstances." But the 6,100 Syrian TPS holders — whose protection had been granted by the Obama administration starting in 2012 due to Assad's repression — argue that the new Syrian government is neither stable nor safe, and that the required consultation with the State Department was not carried out satisfactorily.

Lower court judges unanimously found that the consultations conducted — a simple email from a DHS official to a State Department official, with a response noting no foreign policy objection — were insufficient under the legal requirements. The administration, for its part, contends that if any communication took place, the legal threshold is met. An interpretation that Justice Elena Kagan subjected to increasingly incredulous hypothetical scenarios during oral arguments.

Yemen, Somalia, South Sudan: Active Humanitarian Crises

A UN Report Dated June 17, 2026 Delivers a Damning Assessment

It is difficult to argue that conditions in these countries have "changed sufficiently" to justify the forced return of their nationals. A joint report by the FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization) and the World Food Programme (WFP), published on June 17, 2026, identifies 13 countries and territories where food insecurity is expected to worsen between June and November 2026. Conflict is the primary cause of hunger in 12 of these 13 zones. Sudan, South Sudan, Yemen, and Palestine remain the most critical hotspots. Somalia and Nigeria were elevated to the highest-risk category due to drought, conflict, and poor harvests.

The figures are staggering. Approximately 266 million people face severe food insecurity across these zones. In Sudan, the hunger crisis is described as the worst in the world, with famine risks persisting in parts of Darfur and South Kordofan into early 2027. In Yemen, more than 18 million people could face severe food shortages. The WFP notes that global humanitarian aid has fallen 59% between 2022 and 2025. As of June 2026, only one third of priority food security funding needs had been met, according to FAO director Rein Paulsen.

Countries at War, Whose Doors Are Being Shut

For Yemen, a federal judge in the Southern District of New York, Judge Dale Ho, had blocked in May 2026 the Trump administration's attempt to remove temporary deportation protections for nearly 3,000 Yemeni nationals living and working in the United States, according to the legal publication Jurist. For Somalia, a federal district court in Boston had issued an emergency order in March 2026, preventing DHS from ending TPS for approximately 1,100 Somali nationals, according to Visa HQ. For South Sudan, a federal judge had suspended the elimination of status for approximately 300 South Sudanese nationals in late 2025, according to the Brussels Morning Newspaper.

Legal actions are multiplying, but every victory before a court of appeals or district court is liable to be overturned by a Supreme Court emergency order, unmotivated — as happened twice with Venezuela. The UN is calling for $2 billion in aid to feed 12 million Yemenis, while Washington is spending its energy expelling the few thousand Yemenis who legally work on U.S. soil.

Venezuela: The First Breach in the Judicial Shield

The Supreme Court Sends a Signal in 2025

Venezuela was the first country for which the Supreme Court granted the Trump administration the right to proceed with TPS revocation while litigation on the merits continued. The order of May 19, 2025 — short, unsigned, unexplained — allowed the administration to end protections for the roughly 300,000 Venezuelans covered by the 2023 designation. The order of October 3, 2025 reaffirmed that position after a new favorable ruling for plaintiffs from Judge Chen. The Court simply stated that "although the posture of the case has changed, the legal arguments of the parties and the relative harms have not generally changed."

Judge Chen, for his part, refused to be intimidated. After the May 2025 order, he had explained that it "provided no specific justification" and "did not prohibit this court from reviewing the matter on the merits." In January 2026, the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals confirmed Chen's final decision. But the Supreme Court's stay order remains in effect, suspending protection for Venezuelans while the appeals process continues. Meanwhile, the Venezuelan government of Nicolás Maduro — whose documented authoritarianism was precisely the reason for the TPS designations — has obviously not changed.

The "National Security" Argument as a Cover

To justify the revocation of Venezuelan TPS, DHS linked the beneficiaries to the gang Tren de Aragua, claiming that Venezuelan TPS holders posed a security risk. Attorney Jayesh Rathod, a professor at American University, quoted by Bloomberg Law, commented: "This shows that merely invoking national security does not necessarily make something a genuine national security issue." Judge Chen applied the "strict scrutiny" standard established in Village of Arlington Heights v. Metropolitan Housing Development Corp. — which requires proof of racial discriminatory intent for Equal Protection claims — rather than the more permissive standard of Trump v. Hawaii that the government sought to apply.

The stakes of this choice of standard are considerable. If the Supreme Court confirms that the Trump v. Hawaii standard applies — as the government requests — the racial animus argument will likely not survive, according to legal analysis from Bloomberg Law. If it maintains Arlington Heights, the accumulated evidence of racial animus — the public statements, internal emails, ignored career official recommendations — constitutes a serious case.

Honduras, Nicaragua, Nepal, Cameroon: The Forgotten of the Headlines

Revocations Already in Effect

While media coverage focuses on the legal battles over Haiti and Syria, the revocations for Honduras, Nicaragua, Afghanistan, Cameroon, and Nepal have already taken effect as of March 31, 2026. According to KFF, approximately 320,000 individuals have already lost their TPS as a result of these five revocations. For Honduras and Nicaragua, the revocation had been announced as early as July 8, 2025, according to analysis by law firm Brownstein Hyatt Farber Schreck. These two predominantly Catholic, Latino countries share the demographic profile of the other nations on the list.

Cameroon is particularly worth examining. A Black-majority Central African country, it has been torn since 2016 by the armed conflict in the anglophone region — the "Ambazonian" independence movement — and by chronic intercommunal violence. Cameroonians in the United States obtained TPS precisely because of these conditions. The announcement of the end of Cameroonian TPS in April 2025 was made in the same communication as the end of Afghan TPS — two countries whose "normalization" is difficult to document.

Nepal and Myanmar: The Quiet Ones

Nepal — whose TPS had been granted notably in the wake of the devastating 2015 earthquake — saw its revocation announced in June 2025, taking effect progressively. Myanmar (Burma), under military junta rule since the February 2021 coup, has been repeatedly condemned by the international community for human rights violations against the Rohingya minority and political opponents. The revocation of Myanmar's TPS — suspended by court order but still targeted — concerned nationals who, for many, were fleeing precisely those abuses. Human Rights Watch, in its 2026 World Report published in February, cited the use of racial profiling in immigration enforcement as one of the defining features of Trump's immigration policy — a policy that notably led the Supreme Court to authorize the use of perceived ethnicity and national origin as factors justifying an ICE stop.

Ethiopia completes this picture. A Horn of Africa country, it experienced between 2020 and 2022 a civil war in Tigray of documented brutality, with hundreds of thousands dead and millions displaced. Despite a fragile peace agreement signed at the end of 2022, tensions persist. Human Rights Watch cites Ethiopia among the countries whose TPS was targeted by the Trump administration.

The Demographic Portrait of the 13 Countries: A Pattern That Does Not Lie

Black, Latino, Muslim — The Unambiguous List

Let us inventory the demographics of the thirteen targeted countries. Countries with a Muslim majority or significant Muslim population: Afghanistan, Somalia, Yemen, Myanmar (persecuted Muslim Rohingya minority), Syria. African countries with Black populations: Cameroon, Ethiopia, Somalia, South Sudan. Latino countries: Honduras, Nicaragua, Venezuela. South and Southeast Asian countries with non-white populations: Afghanistan, Myanmar, Nepal. Haiti combines two characteristics: a Black country and one of the world's poorest, which Trump had repeatedly called a "shithole country" — according to his reported remarks at a Congressional meeting in 2018, invoked by Justice Sotomayor during April 2026 oral arguments.

By contrast, the countries whose TPS has been maintained or extended under the Trump administration include Lebanon — whose designation was extended by six months in May 2026 — and, outside the TPS program, a policy of welcoming an additional 10,000 white Afrikaners from South Africa. The distinction is not subtle. UCLA attorney Ahilan Arulanantham, representing Syrian plaintiffs, put it plainly to Bloomberg Law: "The racial animus surrounding these policies is pretty clear on its face."

The Parallel With Trump v. Hawaii and Its Limits

The Trump administration seeks to apply the standard of Trump v. Hawaii — the 2018 ruling that upheld the travel ban targeting majority-Muslim countries. In that ruling, the Court applied the "rational basis" test, highly deferential to the executive, largely setting aside Trump's anti-Muslim statements in favor of a formal analysis of the policy's legitimacy. But the TPS cases present a crucial difference: the argument rests not only on Trump's political statements, but on internal DHS documentary evidence showing that career officials were overridden by political appointees to impose predetermined decisions. That level of direct evidence was absent in the travel ban litigation.

The Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment, the due process rights of the 5th Amendment, and the provisions of the Administrative Procedure Act allowing judicial review of arbitrary and capricious actions: these are the three pillars on which plaintiffs' cases rest. The Supreme Court decision expected late June or early July 2026 will be one of the most consequential immigration rulings in decades.

The Economic Impact: What the United States Stands to Lose

One Million Workers, 53,000 in Healthcare

The Trump administration's narrative portrays TPS beneficiaries as a burden on the host country. The available data tell a different story. According to KFF, immigrants likely to hold TPS from the sixteen countries for which data are available represented approximately 740,000 workers aged 18 and over in the United States in 2024, including approximately 53,000 in the healthcare sector. Their employment rate — 74% — exceeds that of other non-citizen immigrants (67%) and of adult American citizens (62%).

The loss of status mechanically entails the loss of work authorization. For people who pay taxes, contribute to retirement systems, and participate in the local economy, deportation or forced invisibility represents a net loss for the communities that host them — as the example of Springfield, Ohio, demonstrates in particularly well-documented fashion. The 53,000 TPS healthcare workers in an already strained American health sector constitute a concrete functional risk that the administration appears to be deliberately ignoring.

The Public Health Impact: A Silent Bomb

KFF also documented the health impact on TPS beneficiaries themselves. More than 77% of undocumented immigrants surveyed in the KFF 2025 poll reported experiencing negative health impacts related to immigration concerns since January 2025. Nearly half (48%) reported having avoided seeking medical care since January 2025 out of fear of immigration consequences. Loss of TPS also deprives those concerned of access to employer-sponsored health insurance — 44% of TPS workers had such coverage — and renders them ineligible for Medicaid, CHIP, Medicare, and subsidized ACA marketplace plans.

This cumulative pressure — job loss, loss of insurance, chronic immigration stress, permanent legal insecurity — constitutes what epidemiologists call high-risk "acculturation stress." For communities already fragile, often living in areas with limited healthcare access, this is an accelerator of poor public health that will reverberate through the American healthcare system itself.

Judicial and Legislative Resistance

A Web of Provisional Protections Slowly Unraveling

Federal courts have mounted a remarkably sustained resistance to the Trump administration on the TPS file. According to an analysis by Bloomberg cited by SCOTUSblog, TPS holders have obtained favorable rulings in at least nine cases since the Venezuela order of May 2025. Injunctions have protected Somalis (Boston, March 2026), Yemenis (New York, May 2026), Haitians (multiple, including Washington D.C., February 2026), South Sudanese (late 2025), and others. Each judicial victory constitutes a reprieve, but not a definitive win.

On the congressional side, signals are mixed. The two Republican representatives from the Springfield region voted in favor of extending Haitian TPS until April 2029 — a signal that even in affected Republican districts, economic and human reality sometimes alters political calculations. But at the national level, the Republican congressional majority has shown no inclination to legislate protections for TPS holders against executive action. The question is therefore referred back to the courts, whose capacity for intervention the Supreme Court may soon significantly curtail.

The June 16 Haitian Motion: A Procedural Bombshell

On June 16, 2026, attorneys for Haitian TPS beneficiaries filed a motion before the Supreme Court seeking dismissal of the case due to the discovery of new DHS documents. These documents reveal that the decision to end Haitian TPS was made before the required analysis was even conducted — a political appointee having verbally ordered career officials to abandon their extension recommendation. The motion argues that "the Court does not have a solid factual basis on which to assess the validity of respondents' allegations" until the discovery process is complete. The Supreme Court would be expected to request a response from the administration, with a decision anticipated before late June or early July 2026, according to ABC News and NPR.

This motion places the Court in a delicate position: if it renders its ruling without accounting for the new elements, it risks validating a decision whose documentary evidence shows it was predetermined and non-compliant with legal procedures. If it remands the case to lower courts to complete the record, it implicitly acknowledges the relevance of the allegations of procedural irregularity — and, by implication, of discriminatory animus.

Trump — Necessary Evil or Corroded Institution?

Immigration Firmness: A Defensible Posture

It is possible — and intellectually honest — to defend part of the Trump administration's reasoning without defending its methods. The United States has a sovereign right to control its borders and manage its immigration programs. TPS, designed as a temporary protection, has effectively been used as a near-permanent residency pathway for some nationals — a fact even liberal experts acknowledge. The desire to bring order to an immigration system overloaded with contradictory procedures is not, in itself, a discriminatory policy.

Trump represents for the West what I would readily call a necessary evil: his ability to name and challenge institutional taboos — on border management, on the weight of international organizations, on the credibility of certain elites — has forced debates that liberal democracies had evaded for too long. His firmness toward the West's adversaries — China, Russia, Iran, North Korea — deserves credit, even if results remain mixed. The West needs leaders capable of projecting strength. On that point, systematic criticism of Trump misses something important.

But Institutions Are Not Negotiable

Immigration firmness is not the problem. The problem is the method. Political appointees overriding career officials' recommendations to impose predetermined decisions. An executive arguing that courts have no jurisdiction to review its decisions — none, even when there is evidence of racial animus. A Supreme Court issuing unexplained orders on matters affecting hundreds of thousands of people. A humanitarian protection system dismantled without serious factual analysis, while the government refuses the consultation required by law.

This is no longer immigration policy — it is institutional circumvention. The Human Rights Watch report for 2026, published in February, documented how the administration combined racial profiling in immigration law enforcement, dismantling of anti-discrimination programs, and erasure of Black American history into a coherent strategy of democratic regression. Criticizing Trump on these grounds is not partisan anti-Trumpism. It is defending the institutions that the West spent a century building.

Conclusion: The Map and the Conscience

Thirteen Countries, One Pattern, One Question

The thirteen countries stripped of TPS by the Trump administration do not constitute a random list. They form a clear demographic pattern: all Black, Latino, or Muslim, or some combination of the three. On the other side, a welcome policy reserved for white Afrikaners from South Africa, a refusal to consult the State Department as the law requires, career officials silenced by political appointees, unexplained Supreme Court orders. The evidence accumulated in dozens of judicial proceedings — documentary evidence, internal emails, sworn depositions from officials — collectively sketch what legal scholars call discriminatory animus: a hostility toward identifiable racial or ethnic groups as the true driver of decisions presented as purely administrative.

The U.S. Supreme Court is expected to issue its ruling on the Haitian and Syrian cases before late June or early July 2026. If it validates the government's thesis that courts can never review these decisions, it will in effect write a judicial version of the same non-explanation as the 2025 Venezuela orders: a license to act without explaining why. The West — of which the United States is, whether we like it or not, the indispensable pivot — cannot afford to leave this question unanswered. Not if its ambition is still to be the center of the free world.

What History Will Remember

In twenty years, when the history of American immigration policy in 2025–2026 is written, the thirteen countries stripped of TPS will stand as a moment of truth. Not because the United States exercised its sovereign right to manage its borders — that, no one can deny as a principle. But because it chose to do so in a manner that internal evidence shows to be predetermined, procedurally fraudulent, and demographically targeted along racial lines. The map of excluded countries does not lie. It says exactly what it shows: who counts, and who does not, in the America of 2026.

Signed Maxime Marquette, columnist

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Cite this article

Maxime Marquette (2026). INVESTIGATION: 13 Countries Stripped of TPS — The Map of a Targeted Migration Policy. MadMax. https://mad-max.co/en/article/enquete-13-pays-prives-de-tps-la-carte-d-une-politique-migratoire-ciblee

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Maxime Marquette
Independent columnist

Maxime Marquette writes most of the analyses and columns published on MadMax — geopolitics, technology, and current events, no filler.

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Investigation1 reads5188 words34 min read