EDITORIAL: Trump, Digital Taxes and the EU — One Ultimatum Too Many
It happened the way it always happens with Donald Trump: without warning, without diplomatic consultation, without regard for the fragile commercial balances that months of negotiations had built. On Friday, June 26, 2026, late in the afternoon, the American president posted a message on Truth Social that immediately sent shockwaves through Brussels, Paris, London and Berlin: a
- It happened the way it always happens with Donald Trump: without warning, without diplomatic consultation, without regard for the fragile commercial balances that months of negotiations had built. On Friday, June 26, 2026, late in the afternoon, the American president posted a message on Truth Social that immediately sent shockwaves through Brussels, Paris, London and Berlin: a
- EDITORIAL: Trump, Digital Taxes and the EU — One Ultimatum Too Many
- Introduction: Friday, June 26 — the fracture deepens
Facts, quotes, and cited links remain in the body. Interpretations are framed as analysis or opinion according to the format.
EDITORIAL: Trump, Digital Taxes and the EU — One Ultimatum Too Many
Introduction: Friday, June 26 — the fracture deepens
A Truth Social post that shook the markets
It happened the way it always happens with Donald Trump: without warning, without diplomatic consultation, without regard for the fragile commercial balances that months of negotiations had built. On Friday, June 26, 2026, late in the afternoon, the American president posted a message on Truth Social that immediately sent shockwaves through Brussels, Paris, London and Berlin: any country daring to impose a tax on the digital services of American companies would be hit with a 100% tariff on all its exports to the United States.
The text is remarkably brutal, even by Trump's standards. "This TARIFF will supersede any trade deals made with the country, whether implemented, signed, or not," Trump wrote. In other words: agreements already sealed are worthless if Washington unilaterally decides to cancel them. The European Union, which had just ratified, the day before, the much-discussed trade agreement with the United States capping tariffs at 15% on most European exports, found itself on unstable ground within 24 hours.
The context of a freshly signed trade agreement
To grasp the full scale of the provocation, one must recall that the European Union had ratified in May 2026 a difficult trade agreement with the United States, conceding zero tariffs on American industrial goods in exchange for a cap on American tariffs on European exports at 15%. This agreement, negotiated under the pressure of the July 4th ultimatum imposed by Trump, had been hailed as a first step toward de-escalation in a trade war that had been festering since Trump's return to the White House.
But digital taxes had not been included in that agreement. They remained a major source of friction. France has been applying a 3% tax on digital services revenues since 2019, targeting companies with global revenues above 750 million euros. The United Kingdom introduced a similar 2% tax in 2020. Belgium, Poland and Slovakia were in the process of preparing their own. Trump wasn't targeting just the holdouts — he was targeting everyone, all at once, retroactively.
The anatomy of the threat: what Trump's message actually says
The chosen words and their legal implications
Let's analyze Trump's text with precision, because the words here carry decisive weight. He speaks of countries "close to imminently implementing" these taxes, which suggests the threat targets future projects (Belgium, Poland, Slovakia) as much as existing regimes (France, United Kingdom, Italy, Spain, Austria). The word "supersede" is the most explosive: it asserts that the tariff would override any trade agreement already concluded, signed or ratified — something international trade law does not automatically recognize.
Fundamental problem: Trump no longer commands the same legal arsenal as before. The U.S. Supreme Court earlier this year struck down the tariffs he had unilaterally imposed under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). He has since imposed a global 10% tariff under Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974, whose duration is capped at 150 days. To impose a new punitive 100% tariff, he would need different legal tools — notably a Section 301 investigation, a process that takes several months. The USTR has already opened such investigations against France, Austria, Spain and Italy, which could accelerate the timeline.
Brussels' response: sovereignty and reciprocity
The European Commission responded with measured but clear firmness. A spokesperson stated that the EU's and its member states' digital taxes are "non-discriminatory by design and apply equally to all large companies regardless of their origin." The bloc added that it "would respond swiftly to unjustified unilateral measures" while remaining "open to a comprehensive solution consistent with G7 agreements." That last point is key: the OECD had for years been working on a global minimum tax system for digital multinationals, a framework that Washington itself had supported under Biden before Trump abandoned it.
The von der Leyen Commission finds itself in a delicate position: defending the fiscal sovereignty of its member states without triggering a trade escalation that would further weaken an already pressured European economy. Several concerned member states — France, the United Kingdom, Italy — have major exporting industries that cannot afford a 100% tariff on their goods.
Digital taxes: why Europe defends them tooth and nail
A question of fiscal fairness and sovereignty
Digital services taxes were not born of political whim. They address a documented structural problem: giants like Meta, Alphabet (Google), Amazon and Apple generate enormous revenues in European markets while minimizing their local tax obligations through sophisticated fiscal structures based in Ireland, the Netherlands or Luxembourg. The French 3% tax, the British 2% tax, the Belgian and Polish planned 3% levies are designed to recover a fair share of the value created in their territories by companies that massively profit from their markets without contributing proportionately to their tax authorities.
Canada perfectly illustrates the political calculus behind these taxes. Ottawa had adopted a digital services tax, before repealing it retroactively in March 2026 (via Bill C-15) to avoid American sanctions. This capitulation was seen as a costly surrender: the Canadian government was forced to reimburse with interest the payments already collected. Europe watches this precedent closely — and with considerable resistance to submitting to the same pressure.
Belgium, Poland, Slovakia: the new targets
Belgium introduced in April 2026 a bill imposing a 3% tax on digital advertising services revenues, intermediation platforms and user data, applicable to groups with global revenues above 750 million euros and Belgian revenues above 3 million euros. The Belgian law, if enacted, would directly affect Meta, Google and online marketplaces. Poland and Slovakia are advancing similar models. These are the projects "close to being imminently implemented" that Trump explicitly targets when he speaks of countries about to adopt the tax.
These three countries are members of the European Union and benefit from the EU-US trade agreement currently being ratified. The threat of a 100% tariff that would "supersede" the agreement destabilizes their political calculus: adopt the tax and risk a devastating trade war, or abandon it and yield to American pressure. This dilemma is not hypothetical — it is immediate and urgent.
The May 2026 EU-US agreement: a fragile victory now under threat
What the agreement contained — and what it excluded
Let's recall the terms of the EU-US trade agreement ratified in May 2026: the European Union committed to reducing to zero its tariffs on American industrial goods, with expanded preferential access for certain American agricultural and seafood products. In exchange, the United States capped their tariffs on European exports at 15% — a substantial reduction from the penalty regime Trump had imposed in the first phase of his trade war. The European Parliament had ratified this compromise on June 16, 2026, in a vote seen as a strong signal of willingness for commercial coexistence.
But digital taxes were explicitly excluded from the agreement. This was not an oversight — it was a blocking point that negotiators on both sides had chosen to defer. Washington considered these taxes discriminatory against American companies; Brussels refused to drop them without international fiscal compensation. This fiscal no man's land became, 24 hours after European ratification, the new front line of a trade war that had seemed barely defused.
The French wine precedent and targeted threats
This is not the first time that Trump has brandished the specter of a 100% tariff on French exports linked to the digital tax. Before departing for a G7 summit, he had explicitly threatened a 100% tariff on French wine if Paris did not scrap its digital tax. "All Macron has to do is get rid of the services tax, and he wouldn't have this pressure," Trump told the New York Post. Yet France did not scrap its tax. And the tariff was never imposed. This pattern of threats not followed by action creates a paradox: either Trump eventually acts and triggers a major trade war, or he does nothing and loses his coercive credibility.
The Supreme Court has clearly reduced Trump's unilateral arsenal. White House spokesperson Kush Desai stated that the president "would use the legal authorities at his disposal" to protect American companies — implying the administration is still searching for how to legally materialize these threats. The Section 301 process, already engaged against several European countries, could theoretically conclude in a few months. But "a few months" is a long time in Trump's political world.
Big Tech in all this: victims or beneficiaries?
Meta, Google, Amazon: the real potential winners
Let's name clearly what is happening: Meta, Alphabet/Google, Amazon and their peers have in the Trump administration an unmatched advocate. The 100% tariff threat is, at its core, a show of force that directly serves the financial interests of major American digital platforms. If Europe capitulates and abandons its digital taxes, these companies save hundreds of millions of euros per year in tax contributions they would have owed to European governments. It is a massive transfer of wealth from European taxpayers to shareholders of American tech giants — which Trump justifies in the name of "protecting American workers and companies."
The paradox is staggering: Apple, Meta and Google barely create manufacturing jobs in America. Their profits flow overwhelmingly to institutional shareholders and to exceedingly wealthy executives. Trump — who positions himself as the champion of the "American worker" — is in reality fighting for a handful of Silicon Valley billionaires whose companies pay reduced taxes on both sides of the Atlantic.
The conflict of interest at the top of the state
One cannot ignore the ties between certain major tech companies and Trump's inner circle. Elon Musk, owner of X (formerly Twitter), is himself the owner of a platform that directly benefits from the absence of digital services taxation in Europe. Mark Zuckerberg of Meta has actively courted the Trump administration since its return to power. Jeff Bezos of Amazon visited Trump at Mar-a-Lago. These proximities are not coincidences in a system where international trade policy can be altered by a Truth Social post. Presidential spokesperson Kush Desai confirmed that Trump was "dedicated to using the legal authorities at his disposal" — and when one sees who benefits from this policy, the conflict of interest question is entirely legitimate.
The Canadian precedent: lesson in capitulation or in caution?
Ottawa yielded — and regretted it
Canada offered in March 2026 the perfect example of what Europe wants to avoid. Under American tariff pressure, Ottawa repealed its digital services tax through Bill C-15, with retroactive effect to June 20, 2024. Not only did the Canadian government stop collecting the tax — it was also forced to reimburse payments already made by the concerned companies, with interest. It was a complete capitulation that drew a firestorm in Canada itself, where elected officials condemned the sacrifice of national fiscal sovereignty for the benefit of an unpredictable commercial partner.
Europe watches this precedent and draws its own conclusions. Brussels has one advantage Ottawa lacked: critical mass. The European Union represents a market of 450 million consumers, the world's largest trading bloc. American companies can theoretically manage without the Canadian market. Managing without the European market? Far more difficult. Meta manages over a billion users in Europe. Google dominates the European search market at 90%. Excluding these companies is unthinkable. Which means that Europe, if it holds firm, holds real leverage.
The G7 position and the abandoned OECD agreements
The European Commission recalled in its June 26 response that it "remains open to a comprehensive solution consistent with G7 agreements." This reference is significant: under the Biden administration, the United States had supported the OECD "Pillar One" project providing for a reallocation of digital multinationals' taxing rights toward the countries where they generate their revenues. This framework would have made national digital taxes unnecessary. But Trump, upon returning to power, abandoned this multilateral approach in favor of bilateral threats. In other words, Washington is torpedoing the alternative solution it was itself proposing to its allies.
This double move — rejecting the multilateral framework while punishing unilateral solutions — puts Europe in a dead end that Trump seems to relish. The objective, clearly, is not a balanced fiscal justice for digital companies: it is the unconditional protection of American tech champions, at the expense of the fiscal sovereignty of America's own allies.
The United Kingdom in the crosshairs: the most delicate case
London between Atlanticism and fiscal sovereignty
The United Kingdom occupies a particularly uncomfortable position in this crisis. London has been applying a 2% digital services tax since April 2020, targeting social networks, search engines and online marketplaces with global revenues above 500 million pounds sterling. This tax generates significant revenue for the British Treasury. Abolishing it to satisfy Trump would create a "gaping hole" in public finances, according to the Starmer government.
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Trump has personally targeted the United Kingdom on several occasions. In an interview with the Daily Telegraph in April 2026, he warned: "If Starmer doesn't get rid of this tax, we'll probably put a big tariff on the UK. They better be careful." Prime Minister Starmer found himself in the same bind as his continental counterparts: capitulate on taxation to save trade, or hold firm on sovereignty and risk economic warfare. In the week preceding the June 26 threat, the British government had still been defending the legitimacy of its digital tax.
A bilateral UK-USA agreement even more fragile
The United Kingdom, post-Brexit, had bet heavily on concluding a bilateral trade agreement with the United States. Under Trump, that hope has proven largely illusory. The 100% tariff threat over the digital tax further weakens the transatlantic British commercial relationship, which does not benefit from the collective framework of the EU. London negotiates alone, without the weight of 27 member states, without the size of the European internal market. This is precisely the situation that Brexit supporters claimed they wanted — and whose limitations they are now discovering.
France and its 2019 tax: the pioneer under fire
Paris, pioneer and primary target
France was the first to adopt a digital services tax in 2019, under President Macron. A 3% levy on revenues generated by digital services of companies with global revenues above 750 million euros and French revenues above 25 million euros. At the time, Washington had already opened a Section 301 investigation against Paris. In 2021, under Biden, a truce had been reached within the OECD negotiation framework. Now, under Trump II, Paris is back in the crosshairs.
Trump had recently warned he would impose a 100% tariff on French wine if the tax were not abolished. President Macron did not publicly respond to the June 26 threat — diplomatic silence is sometimes the best immediate response to a Trump provocation. But Paris knows its digital tax is under the gun, that Section 301 investigations are active, and that a direct confrontation is a matter of time if the Trump administration decides to follow through.
Section 301 investigations already underway
What many observers miss: the USTR (Office of the United States Trade Representative) already has Section 301 investigations open against France, Austria, Spain and Italy. These investigations, dating back to before Trump's second term, bear precisely on their national digital taxes. Unlike tariffs based on the IEEPA that the Supreme Court struck down, measures taken under Section 301 have a potentially more robust legal basis. They would allow Trump to impose targeted punitive tariffs without an immediate judicial challenge. The process is slower — the investigation must be concluded and measures proposed — but it is legally more solid.
The West fractures: what are the geopolitical consequences?
Atlantic cohesion put to the test
Beyond the immediate trade dispute, the June 26 threat illustrates a deep fragility of the Atlantic alliance in its economic dimension. If Washington is willing to cancel a barely-ratified trade agreement to protect private interests, what credibility should American security guarantees carry? The question is uncomfortable but legitimate. European decision-makers — including those managing defense policy — are beginning to internalize the reality of an American partner whose commitments have a shelf life limited to the next presidential mood.
This instability is particularly worrying in the context of the war in Ukraine. Europe needs a reliable America as security guarantor and economic partner. But when the same America threatens its European allies with 100% tariffs the day after a trade agreement is ratified, the notion of "reliability" becomes problematic. The leaders of Berlin, Paris and Brussels must simultaneously manage the Russian threat to the East and tariff caprices from the West. It is an exhausting geopolitical equation.
The model of technological dependency
One must also look at the broader picture: Europe's dependency on major American digital platforms places the continent in a position of structural vulnerability. If Google, Meta and Amazon operate in Europe without paying taxes proportional to their activity there, and if every attempt to correct this asymmetry is punished by tariff threats, then Europe is trapped in a dependency it allowed to build. The solution is not only fiscal — it also passes through developing European digital champions capable of competing with Silicon Valley. But that project should have started twenty years ago.
The possible scenarios: from capitulation to escalation
Scenario 1: Europe folds
The first scenario is progressive capitulation. Under the pressure of threatened tariffs, the concerned European states abandon their digital taxes, one after another. Belgium gives up before even adopting its bill. Poland and Slovakia drop their plans. France suspends its tax within the framework of a broader "negotiation." The United Kingdom sacrifices its 500 million pounds in annual revenue to preserve its exports. This scenario represents Trump's total victory and Silicon Valley's triumph — and the demonstration that Europe can be forced to surrender its fiscal sovereignty by economic threat. The domestic political cost for the concerned governments would be enormous.
This scenario is not improbable. The Canadian precedent shows that resistance has its limits. And European governments, already under budgetary pressure, cannot afford an open trade war with their primary military ally. The "necessary evil" logic can lead to concessions that European populations will not understand or accept.
Scenario 2: deadlock and negotiation
The second scenario is productive stalemate. Neither Europe nor Washington wants a destructive escalation. After tense diplomatic exchanges, a new negotiation begins over a comprehensive fiscal framework replacing both national taxes and tariff threats. This would be an updated version of the OECD/G7 project, negotiated bilaterally between the EU and the USA. It is theoretically the best outcome — but it presupposes American good faith that the June 26 events have seriously put in doubt. It also presupposes Trump's agreement to engage in multilateral negotiations from which he voluntarily withdrew.
What Europe must do: a doctrine of ordered resistance
Coordinate the response or perish separately
Faced with a threat that simultaneously targets several member states and a close ally (United Kingdom), the response must be collective. Brussels must rally a common position that leaves no state isolated against American pressure. The EU's commercial retaliation mechanism exists — it has already been deployed against steel and aluminum tariffs. It must now be prepared for the digital domain: if Trump imposes tariffs on European exports to punish digital taxes, Europe must have a list of calibrated countermeasures ready to activate.
This posture is not provocation — it is deterrence. Trump respects strength, not gentleness. The only language he understands in trade negotiations is that of credible reciprocity. Europe has the means to exercise this reciprocity: American financial services companies, agricultural exporters, the pharmaceutical sector all have considerable interests in the European market. These levers exist — one needs the political courage to use them.
Invest in digital autonomy
Over the medium and long term, the only real solution to this structural dependency is reducing Europe's reliance on American digital platforms. This requires massive investments in sovereign digital infrastructure — European cloud, local search engines, alternative social platforms — supported by aggressive industrial policy. The GAIA-X European cloud project, the initiatives of the European Space Agency, the programs of the Innovation Union are moving in this direction. But they still lack the scale and ambition needed to create a truly competitive alternative to Silicon Valley.
The Ukraine dimension: digital taxes in a broader geopolitical context
European defense financing at stake
There is a dimension that purely commercial analyses overlook: in a context where Europe is massively financing its defense and its support for Ukraine, national tax revenues carry renewed strategic importance. Digital taxes represent hundreds of millions of euros annually for European governments. France, Italy, Spain — all in the process of increasing their defense budgets in line with NATO commitments — need new revenue sources. If these digital revenues are abolished under American pressure, it is indirectly European defense capacity that suffers.
It is therefore particularly troubling that the Trump administration demands Europe increase its defense spending (for NATO) while simultaneously threatening commercial reprisals that would reduce its capacity to fund those very expenditures. This is a contradiction that has not yet been publicly named, but which should be raised in upcoming transatlantic diplomatic negotiations.
Support for Ukraine as a variable
The war in Ukraine remains the geopolitical backdrop of everything happening in Europe right now. The EU approved a 90 billion euro loan to Kyiv for 2026-2027. It funds air defense systems, ammunition, reconstruction programs. Any economic weakening of Europe — including through a trade war with the United States — reduces its ability to support Zelensky. Putin, watching these developments closely, can only appreciate that his primary Western adversary is being weakened by quarrels internal to the West. Western cohesion is a strategic weapon against Moscow — and Trump is degrading it.
European public opinion: between resistance and fatigue
Democratic exhaustion in the face of repeated provocations
Since Trump's return to power in January 2025, European governments have had to manage an unbroken series of provocations, ultimatums and tariff threats. Tariffs on steel and aluminum, threats against German automobiles, pressure on defense spending, casual references to the annexation of Greenland, and now the ultimatum on digital taxes. Each episode consumes diplomatic energy, creates economic uncertainty and erodes investor confidence. The European population — and economic elites — are beginning to show signs of Trump fatigue.
This fatigue is dangerous. It can push certain European decision-makers to capitulate on essential points — such as digital taxes — simply for peace and quiet. That is precisely what Trump aims for: making the cost of resistance so high that capitulation becomes the rational option. European resistance must be collective, calculated and sustained — not emotional and sporadic.
European elections and anti-American populism
One must note a potential perverse effect of Trump's policy: by treating Europe as an adversary rather than an ally, Trump feeds the anti-American populist forces that exist on both the left and right of the European political spectrum. Jean-Luc Mélenchon in France, sovereigntist formations in Italy, Eurosceptics in Poland — all can exploit the narrative of a predatory America to promote a European withdrawal that could, in the end, weaken the Atlantic alliance that Trump claims to want to strengthen. The policy of tariff intimidation thus risks producing exactly the opposite of its long-term objectives.
Germany at the heart of the storm: caught between the auto industry and digital taxes
Berlin caught between two fires
Germany occupies a particularly delicate position in this fiscal conflict. On one hand, Berlin has historically been reluctant toward the European digital tax, fearing trade reprisals against its automotive sector — which exports massively to the United States. On the other, Germany is now a 40% shareholder in KNDS, the Franco-German defense giant, and needs stable tax revenues to finance its own rearmament. This double bind is revealing of a structural tension at the heart of European politics: how far can one accommodate Trump before compromising one's own interests?
The Merz chancellery has attempted to play both sides, officially supporting the EU's common position while sending signals of pragmatism to Washington. But this strategic ambiguity has its limits. At some point, Berlin will have to choose between its loyalty to European solidarity and its sectoral industrial interests. That choice, when it comes, will define the cohesion of the Union on the digital tax issue for years to come.
The automotive industry as silent hostage
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Volkswagen, BMW, Mercedes — the triumvirate of German automotive industry sells hundreds of thousands of vehicles annually to the United States. A retaliatory tariff of 25% or more on these exports could cost billions of euros and threaten tens of thousands of jobs. This is precisely why Trump's threat works: it targets national economies where they are most vulnerable. By simultaneously threatening German automotive exports, French wines, Italian cheese and British financial services, Washington fragments the European response and weaponizes division as a geopolitical tool.
Faced with this calculus, Germany must understand — and some leaders have understood — that collective resistance is less costly than individual capitulation. If each member state negotiates separately with Washington, the result will be a series of unilateral concessions that will permanently weaken the European fiscal position without guaranteeing durable protection against future American threats. Solidarity is not merely a moral principle here — it is a rational economic strategy.
Conclusion: the editorial that requires courage to write
Trump: necessary evil or existential threat to the West?
Trump is often described as a "necessary evil" for the West — the one who speaks uncomfortable truths about Europeans' lack of defense spending, who maintains pressure on China as the true long-term threat, who forces economic reconfigurations that are sometimes beneficial. I understand that argument. But the "necessary evil" has limits. When the cure becomes more destructive than the disease, one must have the courage to say so. An ally who cancels barely-ratified trade agreements, who treats its democratic partners as vassal states, who weakens Western cohesion against Putin — that ally poses an existential problem, not merely a tactical one.
Europe must maintain its digital taxes — not out of stubbornness, but because fiscal justice is a foundational value. It must do so in a coordinated manner, with a credible countermeasure ready to activate. And it must have this direct and honest conversation with Washington: allies treat each other with respect, not ultimatums. If Trump wants a Europe that contributes fully to its own defense — and he is right to want that — he must accept that this Europe also needs the fiscal resources to do so.
The challenge of sovereignty yet to be built
The true lesson of June 26, 2026 is not that Trump threatened Europe yet again. It is that Europe is not yet strong enough, united enough, autonomous enough to render those threats powerless. Building this autonomy — technological, fiscal, military, energetic — is the generational project that the European Union must undertake. It is not a project against America. It is a project to become a partner that America, whatever its administration, will be obliged to respect. And that is not built with communiqués — it is built with time, political will and massive investment.
By Maxime Marquette, columnist
Columnist's transparency note
Who I am and my acknowledged biases
I am Maxime Marquette, columnist and analyst of international affairs. I am pro-European and convinced that Western cohesion is essential in the face of authoritarian threats. I consider Trump a complex political phenomenon — sometimes useful, often destructive. I support equitable taxation of major digital companies, including American ones. These biases inevitably influence my analysis, and I invite you to factor them into your reading.
What I don't know — and my method
I do not know whether the June 26 tariff threat will actually be implemented, nor on what timeline. The legal and political dynamics around Section 301 are complex, and experts are divided on Trump's real ability to impose these tariffs in the short term. I based this column on sources dated June 26, 2026 and the preceding week. I have sought to present the positions of the European Union, the concerned member states and the American administration with the greatest possible accuracy. The figures cited (tax percentages, revenue thresholds, agreement amounts) are drawn from the primary sources identified in the Sources section.
Sources
Primary sources
The New York Times — Trump threatens 100% tariff on countries imposing digital taxes — June 26, 2026
Secondary sources
BBC News — Trump threatens 100% tariff on European nations over digital services tax — June 26, 2026
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Cite this article
Maxime Marquette (2026). EDITORIAL: Trump, Digital Taxes and the EU — One Ultimatum Too Many. MadMax. https://mad-max.co/en/article/editorial-trump-les-taxes-numeriques-et-l-ue-un-ultimatum-de-trop
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