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The ColumnEditorial· No. 622

EDITORIAL: 108,000 manufacturing jobs destroyed under Trump 2.0 — the failure of an industrial promise

There was no theme more central to Donald Trump's campaign for his second term than American industrial revitalization. "Bring back manufacturing." Bring

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Key takeaways
  1. There was no theme more central to Donald Trump's campaign for his second term than American industrial revitalization. "Bring back manufacturing." Bring
  2. Introduction: When promises collide with the cruel arithmetic of numbers
  3. Trump and industrial revitalization: a central promise of the second term
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Facts, quotes, and cited links remain in the body. Interpretations are framed as analysis or opinion according to the format.

Introduction: When promises collide with the cruel arithmetic of numbers

Trump and industrial revitalization: a central promise of the second term

There was no theme more central to Donald Trump's campaign for his second term than American industrial revitalization. "Bring back manufacturing." Bring back the factories. Bring back the jobs. Bring back the industrial greatness of an America that had watched its manufacturing jobs migrate toward China, Mexico, and Southeast Asia for decades. Massive tariffs were supposed to be the instrument of this glorious return. The numbers from June 2026 tell a very different story.

According to data reported by CNBC on June 23, 2026, the United States lost 108,000 manufacturing jobs since the beginning of Trump's second term. One hundred and eight thousand. This is not a nuance, a marginal data point, or a statistical artefact. It is a clear and unambiguous signal that Trump's industrial policy — built on massive tariffs as the lever of reindustrialization — is not producing the announced effects. And the data are there to confirm it.

The paradox of tariffs: protecting industry by weakening it

The logic of Trump's tariffs rests on seemingly simple reasoning: if imports are made more expensive through high duties, American companies and consumers will turn toward domestically manufactured products. National production will increase. Manufacturing jobs will return. This is classic protectionist reasoning that has been tested repeatedly throughout economic history.

The problem is that this reasoning ignores a structural reality of the 21st-century American economy: a large portion of goods manufactured in the United States uses imported inputs. Electronic components, raw materials, mechanical parts that come from China, Mexico, Europe. When you tax these imports, you do not protect American industry — you raise its production costs. And higher production costs can, paradoxically, lead to reduced production and employment.

The Warren-Kelly letter: a formal alert at the heart of the institutions

Two senators, one letter, one strong political message

Senators Elizabeth Warren (Massachusetts) and Mark Kelly (Arizona) sent a formal letter to the USTR — the United States Trade Representative — to denounce the record of Trump's tariff policy. This institutional move, which transforms a political critique into an official appeal, testifies to the gravity with which high-ranking elected officials are treating the economic record of the Trump second term.

Elizabeth Warren, an economist by training and a senator known for her rigorous economic analyses, and Mark Kelly, senator from Arizona — a state that has manufacturing jobs tied to the defense and aerospace industry — chose a factual and institutional approach rather than a rhetorical one. They rely on concrete data: 108,000 jobs lost, record trade deficit, $166 billion in refunds. This is not demagoguery — it is accounting.

The USTR and the limits of trade policy

The USTR, the office of the United States Trade Representative, is the institution that negotiates American trade agreements and administers tariff mechanisms. That is where American trade policy is actually made, in the back rooms of bilateral negotiations and decisions to impose or lift tariffs. By directing their letter to the USTR rather than the White House, Warren and Kelly are targeting the technocratic institution that translates presidential orientations into commercial realities.

This approach suggests the senators are seeking to formally document the effects of tariff decisions for subsequent legal or parliamentary use. A letter addressed to the USTR becomes an official document that can be used in hearings, judicial proceedings, or electoral campaigns. This is American institutional politics: build a case, methodically, before deploying it.

The record trade deficit: a result contrary to the promise

Tariffs were supposed to reduce the deficit — they made it worse

One of the central objectives of Trump 2.0's tariff policy was to reduce the American trade deficit — that gap between what the United States imports and what it exports. That deficit, which Trump characterizes as representing American economic weakness and the impoverishment of the country to the benefit of trading partners, was supposed to be corrected by tariffs that would make imports more expensive and stimulate domestic production.

The outcome documented in June 2026 is the opposite: the American merchandise trade deficit reached a new record since the imposition of the massive tariffs in early 2025. This paradox is explained by several well-known economic mechanisms: American companies anticipated tariffs by ramping up imports before they took effect. Trading partners took retaliatory measures that reduced American exports. And the higher cost of imported inputs reduced the competitiveness of American exports.

Goldman Sachs revises its petroleum forecasts downward

In this strained economic context, Goldman Sachs lowered its forecast for Brent crude in the fourth quarter of 2026 from $90 to $80 per barrel. This revision — partly linked to expectations of a deal with Iran that would ease pressure on oil supply — also reflects an anticipation of weakening global economic demand. When Goldman Sachs revises petroleum forecasts downward, it is often a signal of a more pessimistic view of global economic growth.

For the American economy, a drop in oil prices has ambivalent effects. It benefits consumers and energy-intensive industries. It disadvantages the American petroleum sector — notably shale oil in Texas and North Dakota — which employs hundreds of thousands of workers. In a context where the Trump administration has supported the American petroleum industry, lower oil prices add a new source of sectoral economic pressure.

The $166 billion in refunds: the judicial bill for IEEPA tariffs

When the courts strike down tariffs

One of the least covered aspects of Trump 2.0's tariff policy is the judicial dimension. American and foreign companies challenged in court the tariffs imposed under the IEEPA (International Emergency Economic Powers Act), a law designed to allow the president to take emergency economic measures in case of an extraordinary national threat. Using IEEPA to impose generalized commercial tariffs was challenged as an overreach of presidential powers.

Federal courts have, in multiple decisions, sided with the petitioning companies. The result: $166 billion had to be refunded by the American administration to companies whose tariffs were ruled illegal. This colossal sum represents not only a judicial defeat for the Trump administration, but also a direct financial cost to the American Treasury. Anticipated tariff revenues transformed into mandatory refunds.

The implications for future trade policy

These judicial decisions on IEEPA tariffs have implications that extend beyond the $166 billion. They signal to markets and trading partners that Trump's tariff policy operates in a legal uncertainty zone susceptible to court reversal. For companies that must make long-term investment decisions taking the American tariff regime into account, this judicial uncertainty stacks onto political uncertainty to discourage investment decisions.

The law firm ArentFox Schiff, in its analysis of the American commercial situation as of June 2026, documents the scale of the refunds and the implications for the administration's tariff strategy. These legal and commercial analyses, produced by professionals who have no partisan interest in distorting the facts, confirm that Trump's commercial policy has run into real and costly legal limits.

KPMG and USMCA uncertainty: a trillion reasons to worry

USMCA: $300 billion in annual trade in limbo

The KPMG Navigator of June 2026 identifies the potential expiration of USMCA as one of the main sources of uncertainty for the North American economy. USMCA — the free-trade agreement between the United States, Canada, and Mexico that replaced NAFTA in 2020 — governs more than $300 billion per year in trilateral trade. It includes provisions on rules of origin, intellectual property rights, dispute settlement mechanisms, and labor standards.

The USMCA review clause, which provides for periodic assessment of the agreement, creates uncertainty about its durability. In the context of trade tensions between the United States on one side and Canada and Mexico on the other — notably on tariffs on steel, aluminum, and agricultural products — this uncertainty is taken very seriously by companies that have structured their operations on the assumption of the agreement's stability.

North American supply chains under pressure

The North American automotive industry perfectly illustrates the USMCA stake. Automotive supply chains are deeply integrated among the United States, Canada, and Mexico: parts cross the US-Mexican or US-Canadian border multiple times before being assembled into a finished vehicle. Tariffs on these components raise the cost of American vehicles and reduce their competitiveness on export markets.

Similar industries — from agrifood to electronics, from textiles to aerospace — depend on the stability of the USMCA regulatory framework to plan their investments. Uncertainty about the agreement's future translates concretely into deferred investment decisions, precautionary relocations, and the cost of insuring against tariff risk. These costs are real even if they are less visible than manufacturing layoffs.

The Straits Times and the judicial battle over tariffs

International judicial challenges

Singapore's Straits Times — a publication that observes American trade policy from an Asian vantage point with a gaze that is often more distanced and less partisan than American media — turned its attention in June 2026 to the question of judicial resistance to Trump's new tariffs. Its question: will these tariffs survive the ongoing judicial challenges?

The answer is uncertain. If American courts have already invalidated a portion of IEEPA tariffs, forcing the refund of $166 billion, other legal challenges are ongoing. American and foreign companies continue to contest specific tariffs. Case law is building progressively, and each new judicial decision sends market signals about the legal robustness of the Trumpian tariff regime.

The impact on Washington's trading partners

For the United States' trading partners — the European Union, Japan, South Korea, AustraliaTrump 2.0's tariff policy has created a durably more hostile commercial environment. These partners have responded with targeted retaliatory measures, WTO complaints, and, in some cases, diversification of their trade ties toward other partners. China, presented by Trump as the primary target of his tariffs, has increased its commercial influence in regions where the United States was losing ground due to tariff uncertainties.

This geopolitical paradox is one of the most troubling aspects of Trump's trade policy: in seeking to contain China through tariffs, the United States sometimes pushed its own partners toward alternative trade agreements in which China plays a central role. That is the perverse effect of an aggressive trade strategy that neglects substitution effects in the trade partner choices of third countries.

The global context: Iran, oil, and the world economy

The Iran-USA deal and its impact on energy markets

The Iran-USA war launched on February 28, 2026 and the Geneva talks aimed at ending it had a direct impact on global oil markets. During the active phase of the conflict, tensions in the Persian Gulf — through which a significant share of global oil transits — kept crude prices at elevated levels, fueling inflation in energy-importing economies.

The prospect of a deal with Iran — which would allow a normalization of Iranian petroleum exports currently subject to sanctions — is one of the reasons why Goldman Sachs revised its Brent outlook from $90 to $80 per barrel in the fourth quarter of 2026. A return of Iranian oil to the global market would increase supply and put downward pressure on prices. For Western consumers, that drop in energy prices would be welcome news.

The impact of an Iran deal on the world economy according to the Guardian

The Guardian, in an analysis published on June 21, 2026, examined the long-term consequences of a potential Iran-USA deal on the global economy. Beyond the oil impact, a deal would stabilize Gulf shipping routes, reduce maritime insurance costs in the region, and allow the resumption of trade with Iran — a market of 90 million consumers long isolated by sanctions.

For the global economy, an Iran-USA deal would represent a welcome stabilizing factor in an international context already strained by the war in Ukraine, tensions in the South China Sea, and commercial turbulence tied to Trump's tariffs. But its realization depends on complex negotiations over the Iranian nuclear program, sanctions, and the redefinition of regional power dynamics. None of that will resolve quickly.

Trump 2.0's economic record: a mixed picture

What works and what does not

An honest analysis of Trump 2.0's economic record in June 2026 must acknowledge both successes and failures. On the success side: the deregulation policy stimulated activity in certain sectors. The defense technology sector is experiencing spectacular growth with $12.3 billion in venture capital investment in the first half of 2026. The firm policy toward Iran has led to talks that could yield a nuclear deal.

On the documented failure side: 108,000 manufacturing jobs lost, a record trade deficit, $166 billion in tariff refunds forced by the courts, DOGE cuts weakening essential public services. These data do not tell the story of a fully successful economic policy. They tell the story of a policy that redistributed advantages toward certain sectors while imposing significant costs on others.

The winners and losers of Trump's economic policy

Every economic policy creates winners and losers. Trump 2.0's policy is no exception. The documented winners as of June 2026 include: defense technology companies (Anduril, Palantir), wealthy taxpayers who will benefit from the tax cuts of the Big Beautiful Bill, homeowners in real estate markets where the supply restriction (worsened by tariffs on building materials) has kept prices elevated.

The documented losers include: manufacturing workers (108,000 jobs lost), indebted students whose aid service was cut by 40%, Medicaid recipients threatened by Big Beautiful Bill cuts, and exporting companies affected by commercial reprisals. This asymmetry in the distribution of costs and benefits is at the heart of the American political debate as the November 2026 midterms approach.

Trump's communication strategy facing economic data

The narrative versus the numbers

Confronted with these difficult economic data, the Trump administration has developed a communications strategy that seeks to redefine the criteria for economic success. Rather than defending itself on the ground of lost manufacturing jobs or the record trade deficit, Trump highlights other indicators: overall GDP growth, stock market performance, inflation (whose trajectory was affected by his own tariffs), and above all the narrative of the fight against fraud and government inefficiency via DOGE.

This communications strategy is effective in the short term with the Trump base, which remains mobilized around identity and cultural themes rather than rigorous economic analysis. But it is less effective in constituencies where concrete economic effects — jobs lost, degraded public services, high cost of living — are visible and experienced daily by middle-class and working families.

The media's role in tracking the economic record

The work of economic media — CNBC, the Guardian, the Straits Times, KPMG — in rigorously documenting Trump 2.0's economic record is essential so that voters have the information needed to make informed decisions. The capacity of media to hold promises accountable to economic realities, without falling into left or right ideological bias, is a pillar of economic democracy.

In an increasingly polarized media landscape, where each camp has its own sources confirming its predispositions, the publication of clear factual data — 108,000 jobs lost, record deficit, $166 billion refunded — represents a public information service that American democracy needs. Senators Warren and Kelly rely on this data. Voters should as well.

The future of American trade policy after Trump 2.0

A lasting tariff legacy

Whatever the outcome of the 2026 midterms, Trump 2.0's tariff policy will leave a lasting legacy on the American commercial landscape. Tariffs, once imposed, are politically difficult to reduce — industries protected by them quickly become lobby groups in favor of their retention. The relative deindustrialization that the tariffs were meant to reverse is a long-term structural phenomenon that cannot be reversed in a few years.

Trump's successors — whether Republican or Democrat — will inherit a profoundly transformed American trade policy, a landscape of complex judicial litigation over presidential tariff powers, and trade relationships with Washington's traditional partners damaged by years of tensions. This structural balance sheet extends far beyond the 108,000 jobs lost or the $166 billion refunded — it concerns America's position in the global trade system for the decades ahead.

Toward an alternative industrial policy?

A legitimate question arises at the end of this editorial: if tariffs are not the answer, what is? The answer is not simple, but the available data suggest that the most effective industrial policy combines investment in education and vocational training, programs to develop domestic technological capabilities, targeted support for strategic sectors, and multilateral trade cooperation that keeps export markets open.

The Chips and Science Act — the bipartisan semiconductor investment law adopted under Biden — is an example of an industrial policy that created genuine manufacturing jobs in technology without relying on tariffs as the primary instrument. The approach is different: invest in capabilities, support R&D, train workers. It is slower, more complex, less media-ready than announcing tariffs. But it is more durable.

The West and the American economic lesson

Europe observes and draws lessons

European governments and economists are watching Trump 2.0's economic record with close attention. Voices are rising in Europe — notably in France, Hungary, and several Eastern European countries — advocating a more protectionist trade policy inspired by the American model. The documented record as of June 2026 should temper this enthusiasm.

The European Union, with its more sophisticated commercial protection mechanisms and coordinated industrial policies, has taken a different approach: targeted countervailing duties, reciprocity requirements in public procurement, investment in strategic technologies via European programs. This approach is less spectacular, but it seems to produce more stable results on the manufacturing employment front.

Ukraine in the economic storm

Zelensky and Ukrainian economists are watching the American debate on trade policy with an interest that goes beyond mere academic curiosity. Access to Western markets for Ukrainian exports — post-war, in the context of the country's reconstruction — will partly depend on the commercial framework that the United States and Europe put in place. A protectionist America is an America less open to Ukrainian exports in a post-conflict era.

The reconstruction of Ukraine will be one of the great economic projects of the late 2020s. For it to succeed, it will need access to Western markets, foreign direct investment, and international commercial stability. Every turbulence in the global commercial system — Trump tariffs, USMCA uncertainty, record deficits — makes the context in which this reconstruction must unfold a little more complicated.

The impact on manufacturing workers: portraits of a broken promise

The 108,000 jobs lost behind the abstract statistics

Behind the 108,000 manufacturing jobs lost documented by CNBC on June 23, 2026, there are faces, families, communities. Workers in Ohio, Michigan, Pennsylvania — precisely the states that had believed in Donald Trump's promise to bring American industry back — are paying the most direct price of the tariffs. Factories that depend on imported components — semiconductors, specialized steel, automotive parts — face cost increases that render them uncompetitive.

The letter from Senators Elizabeth Warren and Mark Kelly to the USTR does not speak in abstract numbers. It documents specific companies, precise sectors, identifiable causal mechanisms. This is not ideological criticism — it is rigorous economic analysis that concludes that the tariffs, as currently structured, do more harm than good to the American manufacturing industry they purport to protect.

Washington's response: rhetoric versus data

Confronted with these data, the Trump administration maintained its rhetorical line: the tariffs are working, jobs will come back, patience is required. But patience has its economic limits. The $166 billion refunded following judicial challenges to IEEPAtariffs represent a real drain on federal finances. Every refunded dollar is a dollar not going into infrastructure, education, or defense.

The administration faces a classic populist rhetoric dilemma: when promises collide with economic realities, one must either admit the error or redefine success. Trump systematically chose the second option — and part of his base, nourished by a favorable media ecosystem, accepts this redefinition. But the 108,000 workers who lost their manufacturing jobs cannot feed their families on rhetoric.

USMCA under strain: the $300 billion in continental trade at stake

KPMG and the anatomy of an unprecedented commercial uncertainty

The KPMG report of June 2026 is unambiguous: $300 billion in annual continental trade is threatened by the uncertainty surrounding USMCA. That figure — $300 billion — represents entire supply chains that cross the US-Canada-Mexico borders, investments that depend on predictable trade rules, jobs distributed across three countries operating in concert.

Uncertainty is not merely an administrative inconvenience. It has a direct and measurable economic cost. When an automotive company does not know if Mexican parts will be taxed at 10%, 20%, or 25% in six months, it cannot optimize its supply chain. It makes costly compromises, diversifies prematurely, pays uncertainty premiums. These are the hidden costs — invisible in official statistics — that are eroding the competitiveness of the North American industry relative to China.

Goldman Sachs, oil, and the chain of economic consequences

The downward revision of Goldman Sachs's forecast for Brent crude — from $90 to $80 per barrel in the fourth quarter of 2026 — is a signal of weakened global demand. That weakness is not isolated: it is partly caused by the global trade disruptions induced by American tariffs. Trump's trade war is not only being waged between the United States and China — it is slowing global trade, affecting commodity prices, and creating deflationary dynamics in emerging economies.

For Canada, which massively exports oil to the United States, the combination of cheaper oil and commercial uncertainty surrounding USMCA creates sustained economic pressure. This reality — that American trade policy decisions have direct effects on allied economies — is at the heart of the tensions in relations with Ottawa and Mexico City. Allies are not passively absorbing these decisions: they are adapting their supply chains, seeking new trading partners, and reducing their dependence on the American economy.

Trump 2.0's economic record and the lessons for the West

A mixed picture between promises and measurable realities

At the midpoint of his second term, Donald Trump's economic record is a kaleidoscope of genuine successes, missed targets, and collateral damage. On the positive side: massive deregulation has stimulated certain sectors, tax cuts have maintained high corporate profit margins, and the American economy has weathered several external shocks better than expected. On the negative side: 108,000 manufacturing jobs lost, a record trade deficit, $166 billion in tariffs annulled by courts.

For Washington's trading partners — Europe, Canada, Mexico, Japan, South Korea — the lesson is clear: the era of predictability in commercial relations with the United States is over. Bilateral and multilateral agreements, whether USMCA, EU accords, or Indo-Pacific partnerships, are now subject to unilateral revision based on the political mood of the sitting administration. This reality structures long-term investments in a fundamentally different way.

The Trump economic doctrine and its potential heirs

What may be more concerning than the economic record itself is the doctrinal legacy that Trump is installing within the Republican Party. Economic nationalism, tariff protectionism, distrust of multilateral institutions — these ideas now have institutional credibility they did not have before 2016. Even if Trump leaves power, 2028 Republican candidates will operate within this ideological inheritance.

For the West, this doctrinal evolution of American conservatism is an existential challenge for the multilateral trade systems that democracies have patiently built since the Second World War. The World Trade Organization, free-trade agreements, integrated global supply chains — all of this rests on trust in the predictability of rules. When the world's most powerful country decides that rules are optional, the entire architecture is weakened.

Conclusion: The imperative of economic honesty before the midterms

The data are not partisan

This editorial sought to put numbers at the center of the debate. Not for any political party, but because democracy functions better when voters have accurate information. 108,000 manufacturing jobs lost, a record trade deficit, $166 billion in tariff refunds forced by the courts: these factual data must inform the electoral debate of the 2026 midterms, not be erased by a presidential narrative that does not correspond to the reality lived by millions of Americans.

Economic policy deserves honest, rigorous, and regular assessment. Not partisan demagoguery, but also not complacency toward a record that does not deliver on its promises. Senators Warren and Kelly asked the right question of the USTR. CNBC, KPMG, and Goldman Sachs data provided factual elements of the answer. The rest belongs to voters.

Trump: necessary evil or structural challenge for the West?

Trump remains a major political actor of the early 21st-century West — with all his contradictions, power plays, broken promises, and rare successes. He is, as I have often noted, a necessary evil in the sense that the forces that brought him to power are real and deserve to be heard. The deindustrialized American working class did not vote for Trump by accident or ignorance. They voted for him because the existing system had not delivered what they expected.

But answering that legitimate demand with tariffs that destroy manufacturing jobs, DOGE cuts that undermine public services, and a trade policy that enriches those already advantaged is a response that deceives those it claims to defend. The West at the center of the world needs more rigor, more economic honesty, and leaders who keep their promises — or who honestly admit when they have not been kept.

Signed Maxime Marquette, columnist

Columnist's transparency box

Editorial positioning

This editorial relies exclusively on economic data published by identified and dated sources between June 21 and 25, 2026. Personal opinions are clearly marked by editorial tags. The columnist has no financial or political ties to American parties, unions, or commercial lobbying groups.

Limits of the analysis

Data on manufacturing jobs (108,000) come from CNBC of June 23, 2026 and reflect the cumulative balance since the beginning of the second term. Goldman Sachs Brent forecasts are expectations subject to revision. The complete American trade deficit record for 2026 had not been published in its entirety at the time of writing.

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Cite this article

Maxime Marquette (2026). EDITORIAL: 108,000 manufacturing jobs destroyed under Trump 2.0 — the failure of an industrial promise. MadMax. https://mad-max.co/en/article/editorial-108-000-emplois-manufacturiers-detruits-sous-trump-2-0-la-faillite-d-u

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Maxime Marquette
Independent columnist

Maxime Marquette writes most of the analyses and columns published on MadMax — geopolitics, technology, and current events, no filler.

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Editorial4467 words31 min read