ANALYSIS: Georgia, Arizona — Trump's Endorsement Machine Stalls in the Republican Primaries
For years, a Trump endorsement was a guaranteed win in any Republican primary. The June 2026 primary season is changing that calculus — a MAGA candidate loses by 19 points in Arizona, and Georgia isn't as easy as it should be.
- For years, a Trump endorsement was a guaranteed win in any Republican primary. The June 2026 primary season is changing that calculus — a MAGA candidate loses by 19 points in Arizona, and Georgia isn't as easy as it should be.
- Introduction: The First Cracks in MAGA's Invincibility
- Trump's Republican invincibility: myth or reality?
Facts, quotes, and cited links remain in the body. Interpretations are framed as analysis or opinion according to the format.
Introduction: The First Cracks in MAGA's Invincibility
Trump's Republican invincibility: myth or reality?
For years, American politics operated on a simple axiom: in a Republican primary, a Donald Trump endorsement is a guarantee of victory. Those he blesses win. Those he curses lose. His grip on the conservative electorate seemed absolute, his power over the primary machinery unstoppable. The June 2026 primary season is seriously challenging that certainty. In Arizona, a MAGA candidate loses by 19 points. In Georgia, Trump's late endorsement of Representative Mike Collins over Derek Dooley creates a complex, uncertain dynamic — far from the effortless dominance of previous years.
These results do not mean Trump is politically finished — far from it. They mean something more nuanced and perhaps more important for the Republican Party's future: monolithic MAGA is beginning to fracture under the combined pressure of a diversifying voter base, an administration accumulating controversies, and an independent electorate that remembers broken promises. The Trump endorsement machine still has power. But it is no longer infallible.
Context: 2026, a decisive midterm year
The June 2026 primaries unfold in an especially charged political environment. Trump's national approval is at historically low levels, particularly in swing states like Arizona. His net approval rating in Arizona stands at -17 in the latest polls, according to Noble Predictive Insights — and his economic approval is even worse, at -27. These numbers, in a state Trump won by 5 points in 2024, illustrate rapid political deterioration.
The 2026 midterm season is critical for the Republican house. Multiple Senate seats, dozens of governorships, and hundreds of House seats are at stake. In this context, primaries are not just a test of loyalty to Trump — they are a test of electoral viability in November. And some Republicans are beginning to decouple those two equations.
Georgia's Collins-Dooley Race: The Endorsement That No Longer Guarantees Anything
Collins, the near-perfect MAGA archetype
Representative Mike Collins is, in the current American political taxonomy, a near-perfect specimen of the MAGA candidate. Since his first congressional campaign in 2022, he has aligned himself unreservedly with Trump — repeating Trump's unsupported claims about the 2020 elections, voting consistently in the president's direction, co-sponsoring the Laken Riley Act mandating detention of immigrants accused of certain offenses, and publicly identifying as "a MAGA defender from the very beginning." His profile matches point for point what the Trump apparatus seeks in a Republican senator from Georgia.
Trump, in his endorsement posted on a Sunday morning in mid-June, described Collins as someone who had been "with him from the very start" and called him a "true, fighting W-A-R-R-I-O-R." For Collins, that endorsement was the political lifeline he had hoped for to pull ahead of Dooley in a final sprint before the following Tuesday's runoff.
Dooley, the challenge from outside MAGA
Derek Dooley, a former football coach backed by outgoing Governor Brian Kemp, represents a radically different political profile. A first-time candidate, he admitted not having voted for nearly two decades — an explosive revelation in a Republican primary where electoral loyalty is a credibility test. His campaign rests on the argument that a candidate less associated with MAGA's most extreme positions would have better odds against Democratic Senator Jon Ossoff in November, in one of the most closely watched Senate races of the midterm season.
The relationship between Kemp and Trump is itself laden with history. Kemp had refused to participate in Trump's attempts to overturn Georgia's 2020 electoral results — a decision that earned him Trump's fury and a failed attempt to eliminate him in the 2022 gubernatorial primary. Dooley's endorsement by Kemp is therefore also, in subtext, a test of Kemp's enduring influence and Georgia's established Republican network against the MAGA movement.
Arizona: The 19-Point Loss That Shattered Certainties
The result that shocked Washington
If Georgia illustrates the complexity of MAGA dynamics, Arizona is a far more direct political earthquake. In a contest held around June 17, 2026, a Trump- and MAGA-backed candidate lost by 19 points — a margin that turned what had been billed as a competitive race into a crushing defeat. American press headlines were blunt: "Trump MAGA Republicans Lose Shock Election in Arizona by 19 Points." The surprise was total; political commentators were left scrambling.
Arizona is a state Trump believed he had firmly recaptured in 2024, after losing it to Joe Biden in 2020. His 5-point victory there in the 2024 presidential race suggested MAGA had consolidated a lead. But 2026 polling tells a different story. Trump's approval rating in Arizona is now a net -17, with a particularly marked collapse among independents (-39 net points), moderates, women, and young voters. These are precisely the electoral segments that decide races in a state as competitive as Arizona.
The data that explain the defeat
Noble Predictive Insights' Arizona numbers from May 2026 are telling: only 27% of independents approve of Trump in the state, versus 66% who disapprove. Among moderates, 24% approve, 71% disapprove. Among women, 37% approve, 60% disapprove. These statistics create a brutal electoral arithmetic: in a state where independents represent a significant share of the electorate, a candidate firmly tied to the Trump 2026 brand starts with a considerable structural handicap.
The collapse in Trump's approval among Arizona independents reflects, in particular, economic disappointment. His promises to lower prices, control inflation, and make America rich again — all of these run into an economic reality that, for many Arizonans, remains difficult. Trump's economic approval in the state stands at -27 net — a catastrophic figure that translates directly at the ballot box when candidates perceived as too Trumpy find themselves exposed.
The "YOLO Caucus" Phenomenon: Senators Who Are No Longer Afraid
Tillis, Cornyn, Cassidy: the revolt of the outgoing
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While primary results are being scrutinized at the state level, a distinct but related dynamic is developing in the United States Senate. An informal group of Republican senators — dubbed by American media the "YOLO Caucus" ("You Only Live Once") — is beginning to openly defy Trump, precisely because they no longer need to submit to Trump's electoral judgment. Senators Thom Tillis of North Carolina, John Cornyn of Texas, and Bill Cassidy of Louisiana — all outgoing or at the end of their political run — have voted against presidential positions or refused to bend to White House pressure on significant matters.
These "YOLO senators" represent something important: the re-emergence of a form of Republican independence that had seemed to disappear under Trump's total dominance of the party. They are no longer afraid of adverse endorsement threats or Trumpist primary campaigns — either because they are not seeking re-election, or because they have calculated that the Trump brand is sufficiently weakened to survive their opposition. That calculation itself is a major political signal.
Trump versus his own Senate
The tension between Trump and the Republican Senate goes beyond the YOLO senators. The president has actively sabotaged even Republican nominations — the Clayton and Pulte nominations, blocked or delayed by rebel senators — and frustrations within the Republican Senate caucus are well documented. Trump wants a Senate that marches in lockstep. Several senators are reminding him that they have their own constituencies, their own priorities, and their own electorates to answer to.
This internal tension within the Republican Party is structural and deep. Trump transformed the GOP into the MAGA party. But MAGA is not a complete governance system — it is a protest and identity movement that works well for mobilizing a base but less well for managing the complex legislative coalitions that a divided Senate demands. The "Republican civil war" playing out in Washington between the executive and its congressional allies is one of the factors explaining surprising primary results: when the national party is in disarray, local results become unpredictable.
The Map of Trump's 2026 Endorsements: A Mixed Record
The wins that confirm
It would be inaccurate to conclude from these results that the Trump endorsement machine is broken. It still works — selectively, in certain configurations. In Texas, Attorney General Ken Paxton, backed by Trump, defeated Senator John Cornyn in a recent primary runoff — a significant victory for the hard MAGA line over the Texas Republican establishment. In Indiana, several state senators were unseated by Trump-aligned challengers. In Kentucky, Representative Thomas Massie — a libertarian Republican frequently at odds with Trump — was beaten in his primary by a more loyal opponent.
These victories show that in deeply Republican states, with a very homogeneous and conservative primary electorate, the Trump endorsement remains decisive. The MAGA machinery works where the base is pure, the district deep red, and independents absent or scarce. That is not negligible — it still covers the majority of national Republican primaries. But it is increasingly untrue in competitive states, where general elections are won precisely with the voters that MAGA repels.
The losses that raise questions
But Arizona at -19, Georgia's trends less comfortable than hoped, Iowa where Trump-endorsed Representative Randy Feenstra was defeated in his primary by a MAHA (Make America Healthy Again) rather than MAGA candidate — these signals constitute a troubling pattern for the Trump apparatus. They indicate that in certain segments of the Republican electorate, the Trump brand is becoming a liability rather than an asset.
The context of these defeats is not incidental: the controversy over the Iran deal is dividing the Republican camp, the economy worries the middle class despite the promises, scandals like the award of public contracts to Republican donors (the Reflecting Pool cleaning contract revealed by the New York Times) reinforce an image of a corrupt administration, and the standard MAGA message — immigration, electoral fraud, anti-elites — is beginning to meet fatigue in some segments of the conservative electorate.
Jon Ossoff and Georgia: The Democratic Stakes in the Fall
The most vulnerable Democratic senator
The Georgia Republican primary — Collins versus Dooley — takes on its full significance when placed in broader context: Jon Ossoff is the only Democratic senator facing voters in 2026 in a state Trump won in 2024. His vulnerability is structural. Georgia Republicans know it and have good reason to believe a strong candidate can beat him.
Republicans have not won a Senate election in Georgia since 2016. Both Senators Ossoff and Warnock were elected under exceptional circumstances in 2021 and have been confirmed since. But Georgia in 2026, with Trump leading the federal government and a mobilized Republican base, offers a real opportunity. The question is which Republican candidate maximizes that opportunity: Collins, the pure MAGA candidate who galvanizes the base but frightens independents? Or Dooley, the Kemp-backed outsider who could attract more moderates but lacks partisan coherence?
The Collins argument: mobilize the base to win
Collins' theory of victory rests on maximum mobilization of the Republican base, using themes like the Laken Riley Act — illegal immigration and crime — to motivate conservative voters. Collins believes that in a Senate race, it is the base that decides, not moderates, and that Ossoff is vulnerable on immigration. Ossoff himself ultimately supported the Laken Riley Act after initially voting against it — a flip-flop that weakens him with his own Democratic base.
This strategy is coherent on paper. But it assumes the Arizona 2026 signal is not a national one. If the MAGA brand deteriorates sufficiently in states like Georgia — which flipped Democratic in 2020 and whose demographics are rapidly diversifying — then Collins' bet on pure base mobilization could be a losing bet in November, even if he wins the primary.
The Structural Factors Behind MAGA's Erosion in 2026
The economy: the barometer that doesn't lie
The Arizona Public Opinion Pulse survey from May 2026 is explicit: Trump's net economic approval in Arizona is -27. That number is brutal. It means that in a state that was supposed to be a model of Trumpian success — economic returns, employment, cheap energy — the majority of residents believe the economy is heading in the wrong direction under Trump. Inflation, energy costs (despite the recent drop linked to the Iran deal), mortgage interest rates, housing prices — these daily realities erode the administration's political capital more surely than any scandal.
Trump had built much of his image on his supposed economic competence. In 2024, the electorate trusted him on the economy more than Biden. By 2026, that advantage appears to have evaporated in several states. Republicans who choose to stay fully on the MAGA line in their primaries will then have to defend a difficult economic record in November, before a broader and more demanding electorate than the primary base.
Scandals and their accumulation
The Trump administration is accumulating controversies that, taken individually, may seem minor, but whose accumulation creates an image of favoritism and opacity. The story of the Reflecting Pool cleaning contract awarded without competitive bidding to a Republican donor, revealed by the New York Times — legally defensible but ethically dubious — illustrates this pattern. These stories feed the Democratic narrative of an administration serving the wealthy and powerful rather than "the ordinary American."
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There is also the MAGA fracture over the Iran deal. Republicans from the hardest fringe — who wanted the total destruction of Iran's nuclear program and refused any negotiated agreement — feel betrayed by Trump. This disappointment in MAGA's most ideologically pure base creates abstentions and protest votes in some primaries. It is one of the variables that can explain surprising results like the Arizona -19 defeat.
The Potential Realignment of the Republican Party
Who comes after Trump in the GOP?
The question of Trump's succession within the Republican Party is beginning to take on a more concrete shape. JD Vance, vice president and architect of the Iran deal, is clearly positioning himself for a 2028 presidential run. His defense of the Iran deal — controversial in the hard base — positions him as a pragmatic rather than ideological MAGA figure. Other names are circulating: Ron DeSantis, who failed against Trump in 2024 but whose Florida continues to offer him a national platform. Glenn Youngkin in Virginia. And potentially Nikki Haley, who ran on a more traditionally conservative line in 2024.
What is remarkable is that all these potential successors must navigate the same dilemma: be close enough to Trump not to alienate the MAGA base that dominates Republican primaries, but distinct enough to attract independents without whom no general election can be won. That is a precarious balance, all the more so since Trump himself has shown no tolerance for any perception of disloyalty.
The post-MAGA generation: a still-blurry vision
What the Republican Party still lacks for a successful post-Trump transition is a coherent alternative vision. MAGA is above all a protest identity — anti-elite, anti-establishment, anti-immigration, pro-Trump. It is not a governance doctrine. The 2026 electoral results could accelerate thinking on what a competitive American conservatism might look like in 2028 and beyond: more pragmatic, less personalized around one individual, capable of speaking to a more diverse America without abandoning the economic and cultural values that animate the Republican base.
That realignment, if it happens, will be long and painful. Trump is not the kind to relinquish the reins. But the June 2026 primaries — Arizona at -19, Georgia under strain, the YOLO Caucus in the Senate, MAHA beating MAGA in some states — may be the opening lines of a story that will be written over the next decade of American politics.
Lessons for Democrats: No Reason to Celebrate Too Soon
The Democratic establishment finds its footing
Democrats posted strong results in the June 3, 2026 primaries, winning or building commanding leads in states like New Jersey, Iowa, and California, while MAGA candidates suffered their first major defeats. Democratic press celebrated these results as a sign of a "Democratic awakening" and growing rejection of Trump.
But this optimistic reading needs tempering. Democratic primaries were mainly playing out in solidly Democratic districts or states — where establishment candidates were defending their natural turf. The results say little about the Democrats' ability to win in swing states in November. Ossoff in Georgia remains vulnerable even if Collins turns out to be a poor general-election candidate. And the Democratic movement itself is riven with tensions between its progressive wing and its center, between those who want to go further on economic issues and those who want to moderate the message to recapture lost white working-class voters.
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The risk of victorious arrogance
Democrats have a historical tendency to over-interpret partial victories as mandates for ambitious progressive agendas. In 2020, Biden's victory was interpreted by some as a mandate for radical transformation — a reading that ran into the reality of a 50-50 Senate and a House with a one-seat majority. Current signals suggest Americans are rejecting Trump rather than embracing a left-wing agenda. A Democratic Party that conflates the two risks squandering the structural advantage that MAGA's depreciation is handing it.
The real lesson of the June 2026 primaries is not that Democrats won. It is that American politics is in transition, traditional coalitions are reconstituting, and 2026 will be one of the most unpredictable years in recent American political history. In that relative chaos, the question is not which party is better — it is which one makes fewer mistakes.
Arizona in the National Context: A Barometer of Coming Trends
Why Arizona matters more than other states
Arizona is not merely a state with interesting results. It is a first-order political barometer for American national politics. Formerly a Republican stronghold, it has become the archetypal swing state — won by Biden in 2020, recaptured by Trump in 2024, now in motion again. Its demographics — a growing Hispanic community, an influx of newcomers from California and other coastal states, an aging white rural population traditionally Republican — make it a microcosm of America's transformations.
The MAGA defeat at -19 in a state Trump considered safely in his column sends a signal that strategists from both parties cannot ignore. If Arizona's trends replicate in other swing states — Georgia, Michigan, Pennsylvania, Nevada — the November 2026 midterms could become a national referendum on the first half of Trump's second administration, with potentially devastating consequences for Republican majorities in the House and Senate.
The accelerating electoral calendar
With mid-June runoffs, July primaries, and November generals, the 2026 electoral calendar is moving fast. Georgia and Arizona primaries are not ends in themselves — they are milestones in a long-distance race. Collins, if he wins the Georgia runoff, will have a few months to broaden his electorate beyond the MAGA base and convince Georgia independents he can represent them in the Senate. That is a difficult task for a candidate whose entire political identity is built on perfect alignment with a presidential figure struggling in the polls.
Arizona, for its part, enters a period of contests that will culminate in a gubernatorial race expected in July 2026 — where Republican Andy Biggs, backed by Trump, faces incumbent Democratic Governor Katie Hobbs with a considerable polling deficit. Polymarket was giving Biggs 51.5% in the Republican primary. But the general against Hobbs looks far more difficult in a state where Trump sits at -17.
Impact on Foreign Policy and the Western Order
A divided Congress, a more unstable foreign policy
Primary results are not purely domestic American events. They have direct implications for foreign policy and, by extension, for the security of the Western order. A divided Congress — or worse, a Senate or House that flips Democratic after November 2026 — would make implementing Trump's foreign policy even more difficult. The Iran deal, already contested within his own ranks, would need congressional ratification or implicit validation for the lifting of certain sanctions. If Congress resists, the deal could unravel.
Aid to Ukraine is another issue directly tied to electoral outcomes. A more Republican but more MAGA Congress could further reduce American support for Kyiv. A Congress partially flipping Democratic could conversely relaunched that support — at the cost of additional presidential confrontations. Europe, which so desperately needs American constancy in its support for Ukraine, is watching the 2026 midterms with entirely understandable anxiety.
What the world must understand about American primaries
For America's allies and partners around the world, American primaries are not an internal affair without consequences. They are signals about the direction American foreign policy will take in the years ahead. A weakening of MAGA in the primaries could foreshadow a relative moderation of Trump's policy in his second half — less transactional, more multilateral. Or conversely, a resurgence of MAGA hawks frustrated by the Iran deal could push Trump toward more extreme positions to reassure his base.
The West needs America to remain a pillar of collective security, a supporter of Ukraine, a counterweight to China and Iran. MAGA defeats in Arizona and tensions in Georgia do not guarantee that — but they show that Americans, in a significant portion of the country, remain skeptical about the direction their country is taking. That is a signal of hope for those who believe in a united West.
The Mechanics of Runoffs: When the Electoral System Creates Its Own Dynamics
The Georgia runoff: a double-edged weapon
Georgia's runoff system — which requires a candidate to obtain more than 50% of the vote to be declared the winner in the first round, failing which a second round is held between the top two — created the Collins-Dooley situation. Collins had finished first in the May 19 primary with a lead over Dooley, but neither had surpassed 40%. That meant a large pool of unallocated Republican votes — voters who had supported other first-round candidates whose orientation in the runoff was uncertain.
In these conditions, Trump's last-minute endorsement on the Sunday before the Tuesday runoff was an attempt to convert those floating votes in Collins' favor. The question was whether that late endorsement — coming after Trump waited for the first-round outcome before committing — would carry the same impact as an early, enthusiastic one. In a primary where momentum and dynamics count as much as positions, the timing of the endorsement is itself a signal of Trump's confidence — or uncertainty — in his own candidate.
The Kemp effect: an establishment that resists
Governor Kemp's support for Dooley is an undervalued factor in analyzing this race. Kemp has a real political organization in Georgia, considerable fundraising capacity, and institutional credibility with Republicans who do not fully identify with MAGA. His choice to back Dooley — a candidate without political experience but with an image of being a Trump collaborator without being his dependent — was an attempt to create a third path between Collins' pure MAGA and Democrat Ossoff.
This strategy is consistent with Kemp's 2022 logic: resist MAGA pressure, build his own broad Republican coalition, and win. Kemp had handily won his gubernatorial primary against the Trump opponent despite presidential attacks. His ability to replicate that performance through Dooley remains to be proven — but Georgia's recent Republican history suggests the Kemp establishment remains a real, distinct force, and sometimes more effective than the pure MAGA apparatus.
The Post-Trump Generation: Candidates Who Refuse the MAGA Mold
A new Republican guard emerges in key states
Beneath the visible fractures of the 2026 primaries, something deeper is taking shape: a new generation of Republican candidates who refuse to fit the MAGA mold while also refusing a return to Bush-Romney positions. These candidates — found in Arizona, Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Colorado — adopt hybrid positions: hawks on immigration, pragmatists on the economy, and frankly skeptical of Trump's diplomatic adventures with Tehran or Moscow. They never call themselves Never-Trumpers. They prefer the term "results Republicans."
This phenomenon is still embryonic, but it carries the seeds of a profound realignment. The mistake would be to confuse it with the institutional resistance of Liz Cheney and Adam Kinzinger, who paid for their constitutional loyalty with their political careers. The new post-MAGA Republican guard is not fighting on the terrain of 2021 values — it is fighting on the terrain of 2026 results. That is terrain where Trump can lose, and he knows it. His campaign teams have begun closely monitoring primary cycles in ten pivot states ahead of 2028.
The electoral arithmetic shifting under MAGA's feet
In Arizona, numbers published by Noble Predictive Insights in May 2026 are devastating for the MAGA dynamic: among independent voters — the group that decides every general election — only 27% approve of Trump's performance. His economic approval rating in this crucial state stands at -27 net points. These numbers are not anomalies — they reflect a national trend in which Trump's expanded coalition is shrinking as the real effects of trade policies, cuts to social programs, and persistent inflation make themselves felt in households.
The mechanics of runoffs amplify these tensions. In a second round, only the most motivated voters show up — and in 2026, the most motivated voters in several key states are not MAGA enthusiasts, but determined opponents. The Trump strategy of early endorsements for the most loyal candidates may work in broad primaries where the MAGA base is large enough. In low-turnout runoffs with a hostile independent electorate, it is an increasingly risky bet. The arithmetic does not lie.
Conclusion: The Machine Stalls, But Doesn't Stop
What these primaries are really telling us
The June 2026 primaries — Arizona at -19, Georgia under strain, the YOLO Caucus in the Senate — do not signal the collapse of Trump or the end of MAGA. They signal something more precise and ultimately more important: the end of infallibility. Trump remains powerful in primaries. But he is no longer invincible. His endorsement remains useful but is no longer automatically decisive. His base is solid but fraying in the electoral segments on which victories in competitive states depend.
Fall 2026: the real test
The real decisions will be made in November 2026. If MAGA Republicans win their primaries in Arizona, Georgia, and elsewhere but lose the generals, the message will be unambiguous: primary-election America and general-election America are two different electorates, and MAGA optimizes for the first at the expense of the second. That scenario could accelerate the Republican realignment discussed earlier. Or conversely, Trump could succeed in mobilizing sufficiently to buck the trend — he did it in 2016, in 2020 (even while losing), and in 2024. The history of American politics in recent years is also a history of forecasters' errors. Caution is warranted. And close attention, too.
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Cite this article
Maxime Marquette (2026). ANALYSIS: Georgia, Arizona — Trump's Endorsement Machine Stalls in the Republican Primaries. MadMax. https://mad-max.co/en/article/analyse-georgie-arizona-la-machine-dendossement-de-trump-grippe-dans-les-primaires-repub
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