# REPORT: One hundred and sixty returned: the 76th Kyiv–Moscow prisoner exchange

> In the relentless flow of war news, certain events deserve a pause. On June 26, 2026, Ukraine and Russia completed their 76th prisoner of war exchange. One hundred and sixty Ukrainian soldiers and civilians returned to Ukrainian soil. In exchange, Russia got back 160 of its own. Principle: 160 for 160, mediated by the United Arab Emirates. The numbers are cold. The human realit

- Author: Maxime Marquette
- Publisher: MadMax (https://mad-max.co)
- Section: Reportage
- Published: 2026-06-28
- Canonical URL: https://mad-max.co/en/article/reportage-cent-soixante-revenus-le-76e-echange-de-prisonniers-kyiv-moscou

## Introduction: A June day, one hundred and sixty lives given back

### June 26, 2026: an exchange in the silence of war

In the relentless flow of war news, certain events deserve a pause. On **June 26, 2026**, **Ukraine** and **Russia** completed their **76th prisoner of war exchange**. One hundred and sixty Ukrainian soldiers and civilians returned to Ukrainian soil. In exchange, **Russia** got back **160** of its own. Principle: **160 for 160**, mediated by the **United Arab Emirates**. The numbers are cold. The human realities behind them are not.

**Volodymyr Zelensky** personally announced the return of his compatriots, according to the **Kyiv Independent**. "**1,596 Ukrainians** have returned since the start of **2026**," he specified, according to **Interfax-Ukraine**. And since **2022**, more than **9,500 Ukrainian prisoners** have been freed through these successive exchanges. These numbers tell the story of a parallel negotiation running alongside the war — underground, discreet, but vital for thousands of families.

### The mechanics of an exchange: how it works

A prisoner of war exchange does not happen spontaneously. It requires weeks, sometimes months, of prior negotiations. Eligible prisoners must be identified, their status verified, guarantees obtained on both sides, and the logistics of the transfer organized. The **United Arab Emirates**, which has played a facilitation role in many exchanges since **2022**, maintains communication channels with both parties that few other states keep open.

The details of this **76th exchange** were reported by **RBC-Ukraine** on **June 26, 2026**: the exchange took place in several phases, with the third and final one completed that day. This phased structure is common in large exchanges — it allows the identities and health status of transferred prisoners to be verified before proceeding to the next phase.

*Every prisoner exchange is a small human victory in a context of catastrophe. I cannot write these numbers — 160 returned, 9,500 since 2022 — without thinking about what each one of them represents. A parent found. A child who sees their father again. A life resuming. In the middle of the barbarity, these are acts of minimal civilization. They matter.*

## Ukrainian prisoners: who are these people?

### Soldiers, civilians, and conditions of captivity

Ukrainian prisoners held by **Russia** include both **military personnel captured in combat** and **civilians** arrested in occupied territories, often on vague or fabricated pretexts. Testimonies from released prisoners systematically document detention conditions that constitute flagrant violations of the **Geneva Conventions**: lack of food, physical violence, isolation, psychological torture, denial of medical care.

Organizations such as the **Ukrainian Parliament Commissioner for Human Rights** and international NGOs have documented these violations with growing rigor. The testimonies are consistent and numerous. **Russia** systematically denies any mistreatment. But released prisoners, their bodies, and their direct testimonies tell another reality. These detention conditions are themselves an additional act of war against **Ukraine**.

### Female soldiers and members of special formations

The exchanges regularly include **female soldiers** — the Ukrainian army includes a significant proportion of women, both combatants and non-combatants — as well as members of formations who have experienced particularly long and difficult captivities. Some prisoners return after two or three years of detention. Some require intensive medical care immediately upon their return. Some carry deep traumas that will take years to process.

The Ukrainian government has established reception structures for released prisoners — medical reintegration, psychological support, assistance to families. These structures, partly funded by international support, reflect an institutional priority for the return of every citizen. This is a political statement as much as a humanitarian one: no Ukrainian is forgotten.

*Ukrainian female soldiers returning from Russian captivity bear a double burden: the war and the treatment inflicted on them by their jailers. Their courage, both at the front and under conditions of detention, is a silent testimony to what Ukrainian society has accomplished since 2022. I salute them.*

## The role of the United Arab Emirates: pragmatic mediator

### Abu Dhabi between Kyiv and Moscow: a delicate but useful position

The **United Arab Emirates** have cultivated since **2022** a singular diplomatic position: maintaining open relations with both belligerents while actively playing a humanitarian facilitation role. This position is not without contradictions — the **UAE** have been criticized for not severing their economic and diplomatic ties with **Russia**. But for prisoner exchanges, their dual access proves invaluable.

UAE facilitation works because it is strictly separated from the political stakes of the conflict. **Abu Dhabi** is not seeking to impose a global diplomatic solution. It offers a neutral space and communication channels for precise humanitarian transactions. This limitation is also its strength: by not engaging on political questions, it remains acceptable to both parties, even when political positions are totally incompatible.

### The mechanics of the 76 exchanges: a balance sheet in numbers

Since **2022**, **Ukraine** and **Russia** have conducted **76** formal prisoner exchanges. These exchanges have mobilized considerable diplomatic resources and enabled the return of more than **9,500 Ukrainians**. The exchanges do not always happen at numerical parity — sometimes the numbers differ between the two sides, reflecting negotiations on the profile of the prisoners concerned.

The **76th exchange** of **June 26, 2026**, with its principle of **160 for 160**, is a perfectly matched exchange. This parity is not always achievable — it depends on the availability of eligible prisoners on both sides. The fact that it was achieved here suggests a well-managed negotiation process, in which both parties found agreement on the selection criteria for the individuals transferred.

*76 exchanges. 9,500 people returned to their families. This balance sheet is both considerable and pitifully small in the face of the conflict's scale and the number of prisoners still held. But every accomplished exchange is proof that even at the deepest point of the war, spaces of minimal reason can exist. These spaces must be preserved and expanded, not sacrificed on the altar of diplomatic posturing.*

## Zelensky and the priority for prisoners: a strong political stance

### The presidential announcement as a political act

**Zelensky** personally announces every prisoner exchange. This is not accidental. It is a deliberate political decision. By positioning himself as the guarantor of the return of every captured Ukrainian, he sends multiple simultaneous messages: to his own population, he says the government has not abandoned them; to soldiers at the front, he says their sacrifice is acknowledged and that if captured, they will not be forgotten; to the **international community**, he demonstrates his government's humanitarian priority.

This political stance is also a response to Russian propaganda that attempts to portray the Ukrainian government as indifferent to the fate of its soldiers. Every announcement of prisoner returns contradicts this narrative with concrete numbers. **1,596** Ukrainians returned since the start of **2026** — that is not an abstraction; those are names, faces, families reunited.

### Prisoners still held: the urgency that remains

The return of **160 Ukrainians** on **June 26** is good news. But it must not overshadow the fact that thousands of others are still being held in **Russia** or in the occupied territories. Human rights organizations estimate that several tens of thousands of Ukrainian civilians are illegally detained by Russian forces. For their families, every exchange is a light — but also a painful reminder of the wait that continues.

The acceleration of exchanges is a humanitarian priority that **Ukraine** constantly raises in its diplomatic discussions. The **International Red Cross**, whose access to prisoners held by **Russia** remains notoriously limited, works to improve conditions of detention and document cases. Its role is crucial, even if its capacities are constrained by Russia's refusal of full access.

*The thousands of Ukrainians still held in Russia — civilians, soldiers, in some cases children — are the invisible part of these heavily publicized exchanges. We celebrate the 160 who return. We cannot forget the thousands who are waiting. Every exchange is a partial victory. Complete justice is still far away.*

## Humanitarian exchange facing political deadlock

### When the humanitarian and the political coexist without contaminating each other

One of the most interesting aspects of these prisoner exchanges is that they take place in a context of total diplomatic deadlock on fundamental political questions. **Moscow** and **Kyiv** have no agreement on territorial questions, neutrality, or security guarantees. And yet the exchanges continue — regularly, methodically.

This proves that humanitarian and political registers can be separated, even in an intense armed conflict. It is an important lesson for mediators: there is no need to wait for a comprehensive political agreement before advancing humanitarian matters. Prisoner exchanges, humanitarian access to conflict zones, civilian evacuations — these actions can and must continue independently of the state of political negotiations.

### The logic of reciprocity in an asymmetric context

The principle of parity in exchanges — **160 for 160** in this case — creates a reciprocity that serves both parties. **Russia** recovers its soldiers. **Ukraine** recovers its own. This logic of reciprocity makes it possible to maintain exchanges even when political relations are at their lowest.

There is, however, an important asymmetry: the number of Ukrainian prisoners held by **Russia** is likely far higher than the number of Russian prisoners held by **Ukraine**. This means **Ukraine** theoretically has more to gain from accelerating exchanges. But **Russia** uses this asymmetry as leverage — by releasing only limited contingents at each exchange, it ensures it retains prisoners as currency for future cycles.

*Russia holding Ukrainian prisoners as bargaining currency — that is precisely the practice the Geneva Conventions seek to prevent. Prisoners of war are not pieces in a diplomatic game. They are human beings whom international law obliges their captors to release. That this reminder is needed in 2026 is itself a condemnation of Putin's regime.*

## Russian prisoners in Ukraine: a poorly documented reality

### What Ukraine says about its Russian detainees

**Ukraine** also holds Russian soldiers captured in combat. The Ukrainian government states it treats its prisoners in accordance with the **Geneva Conventions**. **Red Cross** visits have been granted to certain Ukrainian detention centers. These conditions, though improvable according to some observers, are documented with far greater transparency than detention conditions on the Russian side.

The exact number of Russian prisoners held in **Ukraine** is not publicly known with precision. But the fact that **Russia** has accepted **76 exchanges** suggests it has an interest in recovering its soldiers — and therefore implicitly recognizes their legitimate detention by **Ukraine**. This is a form of implicit recognition of prisoner-of-war status, even if **Russia** never formally states it in those terms.

### The question of North Korean soldiers

An additional dimension complicates the exchanges: the presence of **North Korean soldiers** among the Russian forces in **Ukraine**. Reports have circulated that **Ukraine** holds captured North Korean soldiers, and that **Seoul** has opened the door to possibly receiving these prisoners, according to sources dated **June 2026**. This situation is diplomatically complex: North Korean soldiers do not fall under the usual bilateral Ukrainian–Russian exchange mechanisms.

The presence of North Korean soldiers alongside Russian forces in **Ukraine** is itself a serious violation of international law principles and a demonstration of the growing entanglement between authoritarian regimes — **Russia**, **North Korea**, **Iran** — in this conflict. Their capture and detention raises unprecedented legal and diplomatic questions that the international community is only beginning to address.

*North Korean soldiers captured in Ukraine by the Ukrainian army — that sentence alone perfectly summarizes just how far this conflict has spilled beyond its initial borders. This is no longer simply Russia versus Ukraine. It is the axis of authoritarian regimes against the international order. And every North Korean soldier captured is living proof of it.*

## Documenting crimes: building the case file for tomorrow

### Every released prisoner is a potential witness

The **160 Ukrainians** released on **June 26, 2026** are not only saved lives. They are also potential witnesses to what they experienced in Russian detention centers. Human rights documentation organizations — Ukrainian and international — work to gather their testimonies in the days following their release, while memories are still fresh. These testimonies constitute evidence for future judicial proceedings.

The **International Criminal Court** has already issued arrest warrants against Russian officials for crimes committed in **Ukraine**. Extending these proceedings to the detention conditions of prisoners of war is a legal priority that organizations such as **Human Rights Watch** and **Amnesty International** advocate for insistently.

### International solidarity for prisoners still held

For the thousands of Ukrainians still held in **Russia** or the occupied territories, international solidarity is a lifeline. Organizations of Ukrainian prisoners' families have developed networks of mutual support, diplomatic pressure, and documentation. These organizations deserve financial and institutional support from the international community commensurate with the scale of the problem.

States such as **Sweden**, **Finland**, and the **Baltic states** have developed specific programs to support families of Ukrainian prisoners. These bilateral initiatives, often discreet, have a concrete human impact. They deserve to be expanded and coordinated at European level. Humanitarian diplomacy for Ukrainian prisoners must receive the same attention and resources as other dimensions of support for **Ukraine**.

*Every testimony from a released prisoner is a brick in the edifice of justice. This edifice will be slow to build, incomplete, frustrating. But it is being built. And one day — perhaps in ten years, perhaps in twenty — these bricks will serve their purpose. I believe in the slowness of international justice. Not because it is effective immediately. Because it changes what is thinkable over the long term.*

## The medical dimension of the returns: healing bodies and souls

### The visible and invisible wounds of released prisoners

Every released Ukrainian prisoner carries traces of their captivity. Physical injuries are often visible upon return: severe malnutrition, untreated fractures, marks of violence. But psychological wounds, less visible, are often more lasting. **Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD)**, sleep disorders, dissociation, difficulties reintegrating into civilian life — these psychological consequences of captivity can last for years and require specialized support.

The Ukrainian government and civil organizations have developed rehabilitation centers for released prisoners. These centers offer immediate medical care, psychological follow-up, and assistance with social and professional reintegration. Their funding, partly provided by international donors, is insufficient relative to the need. With more than **9,500 former prisoners** released since **2022**, and thousands more who will return in the coming years, the care needs are considerable.

### Families: the forgotten ones in the rehabilitation process

The rehabilitation of released prisoners cannot be separated from the support of their families. Partners who have waited two or three years. Children who grew up without their father or mother. Parents who lived in complete uncertainty about the fate of their child. These families have their own traumas, their own needs for psychological and social support.

The return of a prisoner after a long captivity can be as destabilizing as their departure. The family has learned to function without them. The released prisoner comes back transformed, often unrecognizable. Family reintegration is a delicate process that takes time, support, and resources that many families do not have. Support programs for families of released prisoners are a humanitarian priority that is too often overlooked.

*The families of released prisoners — that is the invisible part of these exchanges that press conferences do not show. We see the soldiers stepping off the bus. We do not see the wife who must relearn how to live with someone who has experienced the unimaginable. We do not see the children who do not recognize their father. Rehabilitation begins at the return, but it lasts for years. And it deserves as much attention as the exchanges themselves.*

## Conclusion: 160 lives, 9,500 stories, a war that goes on

### The significance of exchanges over time

The **76th exchange** of Ukrainian–Russian prisoners is not simply an isolated humanitarian event. It is part of a durable practice that testifies to a contradictory reality: even in the most brutal war, spaces of minimal transaction can persist. **Kyiv's** and **Moscow's** ability to conduct these exchanges, despite the total hostility prevailing on every other front, is a lesson in the nature of prolonged armed conflicts.

These exchanges do not bring the parties closer to a political agreement. They do not reduce violence on the battlefield. But they keep something essential alive: the minimal recognition that on the other side of the front are also human beings whose fate deserves to be handled according to rules. That is little. But in the context of this war, it is already something.

### For the families: waiting as the horizon

For the families of the **160 Ukrainians** who returned on **June 26, 2026**, that is the day the waiting ended — at least for this ordeal. For the thousands of other families still waiting, news of every exchange is a mixture of hope and pain. Hope because the exchanges prove that their loved ones can come home. Pain because their name was not on today's list.

**Zelensky** promised them he would not forget them. The **76 exchanges** completed are proof that this promise is not rhetorical. But the war continues, captivities are prolonged, and the distance between the promise and its complete fulfillment remains immense. It is in that distance that thousands of Ukrainian families live, every day, for more than four years.

*160 released on June 26. Thousands still waiting. That is the reality of this conflict — partial victories in an ocean of ongoing injustice. I refuse to choose between celebrating the 160 and mourning the thousands of others. Both deserve their right to exist. Both deserve to be named. That too is the columnist's role: to hold both at once.*

**By Maxime Marquette, columnist**

## Columnist's transparency note

### Editorial stance

I am not a journalist but a **columnist and analyst**. My expertise lies in observing and analysing the geopolitical, economic and strategic dynamics that shape our world. My work is to take political strategies apart, to understand global economic movements, to put the decisions of international actors in context and to offer analytical perspectives on the changes that are redefining our societies.

I do not claim the cold objectivity of traditional journalism, which stops at reporting facts. **I claim analytical clarity**, rigorous interpretation and a deep understanding of the complex issues that concern us all. My role is to give meaning to the facts, to place them in their historical and strategic context, and to offer a critical reading of events.

### Method and sources

This text keeps the basic distinction between **verified facts and interpretive analysis**. The rule never changes: a factual claim is published only when a verifiable source supports it, and the sources this article actually used are listed under **Sources**, never here.

**Primary source families** used by the publication, when the story has them: official statements from governments and international institutions, public statements by political leaders, reports from intergovernmental organisations, dispatches from recognised international news agencies.

**Secondary source families**: specialised publications, internationally recognised news media, analyses from established research institutions, reports from industry organisations.

When an article cites statistical, economic or geopolitical data, it comes from the institutions that produce it (intergovernmental organisations, central banks, national statistics offices), and the exact institution is named under **Sources**.

### Nature of the analysis

The analyses, interpretations and perspectives in the analytical sections of this article are a **critical, contextual synthesis** based on the information available, the trends observed and the expert comments cited in the sources consulted.

My role is to interpret these facts, to set them in the context of today's geopolitical and economic dynamics, and to give them a coherent meaning within the larger story of the changes shaping our time. These analyses reflect expertise built through continuous observation of international affairs and an understanding of the strategic mechanisms that drive global actors.

This article describes a documented state of affairs on its publication date, not a prediction: later developments may shift its outlook. No update is promised in advance; when an article is corrected or completed, the change is dated in the text.

## Sources

### Primary sources

- [Kyiv Independent — 160 Ukrainian prisoners released, Zelensky announces — June 26, 2026](https://kyivindependent.com/160-ukrainian-pows-released-from-russian-captivity-in-latest-exchange-zelensky-says/)

- [Interfax-Ukraine — Zelensky: 1,596 Ukrainians returned since the start of 2026 — June 26, 2026](https://en.interfax.com.ua/news/general/1180132.html)

- [RBC-Ukraine — Ukraine and Russia complete third phase of the 160/160 exchange — June 26, 2026](https://newsukraine.rbc.ua/news/ukraine-and-russia-complete-third-phase-of-1782478036.html)

- [1lurer — Russia and Ukraine carry out prisoner exchange on 160-for-160 principle — June 26, 2026](https://www.1lurer.am/en/2026/06/26/Russia-and-Ukraine-carried-out-prisoner-exchange-on-principle-of-160-for-160/1536874)

### Secondary sources

- [Caliber.az — Seoul opens door to North Korean POWs held in Ukraine — June 23, 2026](https://caliber.az/en/post/media-seoul-opens-door-to-north-korean-pows-held-in-ukraine)

- [ISW — Russian offensive campaign assessment — June 23, 2026](https://understandingwar.org/research/russia-ukraine/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment-june-23-2026/)

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Source: Maxime Marquette, MadMax. When citing, name the author and link https://mad-max.co/en/article/reportage-cent-soixante-revenus-le-76e-echange-de-prisonniers-kyiv-moscou