# EDITORIAL: Trump Targets Brazil With 25% Tariffs — Section 301 as an All-Purpose Weapon

> On June 1, 2026, the USTR (United States Trade Representative) proposed 25% tariffs on Brazilian imports under a separate Section 301 investigation — separate, meaning distinct from the investigations already underway against China and the sixty other economies targeted for forced labor. This measure, targeting the "acts, policies, and practices" of Brazil affecting American co

- Author: Maxime Marquette
- Publisher: MadMax (https://mad-max.co)
- Section: Editorial
- Published: 2026-06-29
- Canonical URL: https://mad-max.co/en/article/editorial-trump-tarifie-le-bresil-a-25-la-section-301-comme-arme-tous-azimuts

## Introduction: The Global Trading System Under Tariff Fire

### June 1st and the decision that blindsided Brasília

On June 1, 2026, the **USTR** (United States Trade Representative) proposed **25% tariffs on Brazilian imports** under a separate **Section 301 investigation** — separate, meaning distinct from the investigations already underway against **China** and the sixty other economies targeted for forced labor. This measure, targeting the "acts, policies, and practices" of **Brazil** affecting American commerce, represents a significant escalation in the **Trump** administration's trade policy.

Brasília did not officially react immediately. This **Brazilian restraint** is not weakness — it is prudence in the face of a trading partner whose market represents hundreds of **billions** of dollars in annual exchanges. **Brazil** is the primary Latin American trading partner of the United States. Imposing 25% **tariffs** on its exports — notably **steel**, agricultural products, and petrochemical goods — constitutes a significant economic shock.

### Section 301 as a multidirectional political instrument

What is striking about the June 1st decision is that it illustrates a fundamental shift in the use of **Section 301**: from a targeted tool against countries with specifically documented unfair trade practices (notably **China** for intellectual property theft) to a multidirectional political pressure instrument. **Brazil** is not accused of forced labor or massive subsidies to strategic industries. It is targeted for "trade practices" that the **Trump** administration deems unfavorable — a category vague enough to apply to almost any country.

This editorial cannot ignore the implication of this evolution: if **Section 301** can be used against Brazil for general grievances, it can be used against any American trading partner that **Trump** decides deserves tariff pressure. **Global trade is entering a new phase of structural uncertainty** that even close American allies cannot ignore.

*We start with China — understandable. We continue with sixty economies for forced labor — debatable but defensible. We arrive at Brazil for "general practices" — and now we have moved from trade policy into the realm of economic intimidation. Section 301 as a bludgeon against anyone who displeases Washington. This is a major transformation of the rules of global commerce.*

## Trump's Logic: An All-Fronts Approach

### Pressure, negotiation, deal

To understand **Trump**'s trade policy, one must understand its fundamental logic: tariff pressure is not an end in itself, it is a negotiating lever. Trump imposes **tariffs** to create pressure that forces his **partners** to negotiate concessions — reductions of trade barriers, increased purchases of American products, alignment with **Washington**'s political priorities.

In this logic, imposing **tariffs** on **Brazil** is not necessarily a declaration of permanent **trade war** — it is an invitation to negotiate. **Trump** hopes that Brasília will come to the table with **sufficient concessions** for the tariffs to be reduced or eliminated. **The tariff is the opening of a negotiation, not the conclusion of a conflict**. This is the art of the deal applied to international trade policy.

### American grievances against Brazil

What exactly are the American grievances against **Brazil** that justify a **Section 301 investigation**? Available sources — notably publications from **Dorsey & Whitney** and other specialized firms — mention several points: non-tariff barriers on American agricultural exports, Brazilian government procurement preferences that disadvantage American companies, digital sector practices limiting American presence, and exchange rate policies that **Washington** views as favoring Brazilian exports at the expense of American competitors.

These grievances exist and are real — every economy has its trade barriers and domestic preferences. But do their nature and scale justify **25% tariffs** on all Brazilian imports? Many trade economists answer no — and believe the proportionate response would be targeted bilateral **negotiations** rather than a general tariff shock.

*Every commercial relationship has its asymmetries. Even with Canada, even with Germany. If you apply 25% tariffs to every country that isn't perfectly open to American exports, you no longer have global trade — you have permanent trade wars. Trump confuses the legitimacy of grievances with the proportionality of the response.*

## The Economic Impact on Both Sides

### What 25% tariffs mean for Brazil

**Tariffs** of 25% on Brazilian exports to the United States represent a significant shock for several sectors. **Brazilian steel**, which had benefited from exemptions since Trump's first tariff round, would be particularly affected. Exports of **sugar, coffee, tropical fruits, petrochemical products**, and industrial components — which together represent **billions** of dollars annually — would face an immediate loss of competitiveness in the American market.

For the Brazilian economy, which was emerging from a period of fragile growth, this shock arrives at a delicate moment. The Lula government, seeking to stabilize public finances and attract foreign investment, does not need a trade confrontation with its primary partner to the north. Brazil's reaction will therefore likely be measured — seeking to negotiate rather than counter-attack — at least initially.

### The American cost of tariffs on Brazil

**Tariffs** do not only have beneficiaries. American importers of Brazilian products — steelmakers using Brazilian steel, agri-food companies importing tropical products, industries using Brazilian components — will see their costs rise. These additional costs pass through to American consumers or squeeze corporate margins.

The **Atlantic Council**, whose "**Trump** Tariff Tracker" documents the effects of Trumpian trade measures, notes that **tariffs** on Brazilian imports would create tensions in American supply chains already under pressure since the pandemic and the trade disruptions with **China**. **Across-the-board protectionism ultimately turns against those who practice it** — especially when it affects trading **partners** whose products have no immediately available domestic substitutes.

*Tariffs are a tax on American importers, not on foreign exporters. When Trump imposes 25% on Brazilian steel, it is the American steelmaker buying that steel who pays — not the Lula government. Confusing the two means understanding trade backwards. Trump knows this. He is betting that the political pressure on the foreign adversary outweighs the domestic cost. Sometimes that works. Not always.*

## Section 301 Against 60 Economies for Forced Labor

### The parallel investigation targeting China and many others

The measure against Brazil adds to a separate **Section 301 investigation** proposing additional **tariffs of 12.5% on imports from 60 economies** for forced labor. This investigation, launched earlier in 2026, primarily targets Chinese supply chains using Uyghur labor — but its scope extends well beyond **China**.

The two **Section 301** investigations — the one on forced labor (60 countries) and the one on Brazil (specific measures) — together form a tariff arsenal of unprecedented scale. The **USTR** is simultaneously managing several major trade fronts, which raises questions about the administrative capacity to conduct these investigations rigorously and to negotiate effectively on so many fronts in parallel.

### The risk of proliferating trade wars

The primary **risk** of this all-fronts approach is the proliferation of retaliation. When the United States imposes **tariffs** on sixty economies simultaneously, targeted countries can choose to coordinate their responses. If **Brazil**, **Malaysia**, **Thailand**, **India**, and other targeted economies agreed on coordinated retaliation against American exports — agricultural products, aircraft, equipment — the economic impact on the United States would be substantial.

This international coordination of trade responses is a **risk** that the **Trump** administration appears willing to accept, betting that the United States has sufficient economic leverage to avoid massive retaliation. This bet is not absurd — dependence on the American market is real for many countries. But it is not without risk either, as the trade tensions of 2018-2019 demonstrated.

*Trump's trade policy resembles a poker player who raises the stakes on every hand. Sometimes it works — opponents fold. Sometimes it doesn't — and you end up with a divided table and collateral damage extending well beyond the original game. Brazil in Trump's commercial calculus: one hand too many in an already overloaded game.*

## Brazil in Trump's Geopolitics

### Lula and Trump: two irreconcilable visions

The relationship between **Trump** and Brazilian president **Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva** is structurally difficult. Trump is close to former Brazilian president **Bolsonaro** — his ideological counterpart — and has maintained distant relations with Lula since Lula's return to **power**. The tariff measure against Brazil can partly be read through this political lens: economic pressure on a government that Trump would prefer to see replaced.

This political reading of trade policy is not unique to **Trump** — the United States has historically used economic levers to influence the domestic policies of its **partners**. But it underlines a sustainability problem: **tariffs** imposed for partly political reasons tend to be less economically effective and to create lasting resentments that complicate future relations, regardless of the outcome of Brazil's next elections.

### Latin America in Trump's trade strategy

The measure against Brazil fits into a broader vision of **Trump**'s policy in **Latin America**. The administration seeks to strengthen the dependence of regional economies on the American market, reduce Chinese economic influence in the region, and force favorable bilateral trade agreements with the United States.

These objectives are not illegitimate in principle — reducing Chinese influence in Latin America is a genuine American geopolitical interest. But the method of coercive **tariffs** **risks** producing the opposite effect: pushing countries like **Brazil** to diversify their trade partnerships toward **China** and **Europe**, precisely to reduce their vulnerability to American pressure. Economic intimidation can force short-term concessions while generating a long-term geopolitical rebalancing unfavorable to the United States.

*By trying to reduce Chinese influence in Brazil, Trump risks increasing it. If Brazil must choose between a Washington that intimidates it and a Beijing that buys its exports without conditions — Lula will choose. And his choice may not go in the direction Washington desires. Commercial intimidation is often counterproductive in the long run.*

## What Europe Must Take From This

### Europe: witness and potential next target

European diplomats are watching **Trump**'s trade policy with understandable anxiety. If **Brazil**, an important but non-**strategic** trading partner for **Washington**, can face **25% tariffs** for "general practices," no economy is safe. **Europe**, with its trade surplus with the United States particularly in automobiles and industrial goods, is a permanent potential trade target.

The proposed measures against Brazil send a signal to Europeans: **Section 301** can be used not only against clearly unfair trade practices, but also as a general political pressure instrument. This reality strengthens the argument of those within the **EU** who advocate for greater trade **autonomy** and the capacity to respond to American pressure without dependence on **Washington**'s goodwill.

### The necessary reform of the WTO

The multiplication of **Section 301** measures also illustrates the dysfunction of the **World Trade Organization**. The WTO is designed to resolve trade disputes through multilateral procedures — but the **Trump** administration has systematically ignored its unfavorable decisions and blocked the renewal of its appeals body. The result is an international organization increasingly powerless in the face of major powers that decide unilaterally.

Reforming the WTO to restore genuine authority is in the interest of all countries that practice open commerce — notably mid-sized exporting countries like **Brazil**, European countries, and emerging economies. But this reform requires the **agreement** of major trading powers, notably the United States — whose current administration has no interest in strengthening a multilateral institution that limits its unilateral freedom of action.

*The WTO is the quiet major casualty of Trump's trade wars. Every ignored decision weakens the institution. Every unilateral tariff bypasses its authority. If the WTO becomes an institutional decoration without real power, the commercial world of the 21st century will be a world of raw power dynamics — where small countries submit and large ones decide. That is not the commercial order we want.*

## The Impact on Global Supply Chains

### Already fragile chains under additional pressure

Global supply chains, already strained by the 2020 pandemic, the disruptions of 2021-2022, and the Sino-American trade tensions of preceding years, are under additional pressure from the new tariff measures. The geographic diversification that companies developed to reduce their dependence on **China** now finds itself under tariff pressure in turn.

Companies that had shifted part of their **production** to **Brazil**, **Vietnam**, or other emerging economies to escape tariffs on **China** now find themselves exposed to new measures. This tariff cat-and-mouse game creates **permanent instability in industrial investment planning** that ultimately discourages long-term investment and reduces overall economic efficiency.

### The cost of uncertainty for businesses

The **Atlantic Council** and other economic institutions underline that the trade uncertainty created by Trumpian tariff policies is itself a significant economic cost. Companies that do not know whether imports from their suppliers will face new **tariffs** in six months cannot rationally plan their investments. They maintain excess inventory, avoid long-term commitments, and prefer domestic suppliers even when they are more expensive.

This cost of uncertainty is difficult to measure but economically real. It manifests in deferred investments, less optimized supply chains, and a reduction in productivity across the global economy. **Trade wars do not only destroy jobs in targeted industries — they slow down the entire global economy** through the uncertainty they generate.

*The chief financial officer of any multinational would have every reason to worry about planning investments in the current tariff environment. When the rules of commerce change every six months according to the mood of a single government, rational economic calculation becomes impossible. That is a real cost to global prosperity — and it is rarely measured in trade war analyses.*

## Other Section 301 Targets in 2026

### A global tariff map

To measure the scale of Trump's 2026 trade policy, it is useful to map all Section 301 measures currently in play. In addition to the main **investigation** against **China** — which maintains base **tariffs** of 25 to 145% on many product categories — and the forced labor investigation against 60 economies, Brazil is the subject of a separate investigation. Other investigations are underway or announced against **India**, **Vietnam**, **Malaysia**, and several European economies.

This global tariff geography is without precedent in American commercial history. Even during the trade wars of the 1930s — with the disastrous **Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act** — American **tariffs** were general measures rather than surgical instruments targeted by country and sector. The sophistication of the 2026 approach may conceal strategic **coherence** — or it may represent a systemic commercial **aggression** that no longer distinguishes between allies and adversaries.

### The international reaction: between resignation and resistance

American **trading partners** have adopted varied strategies in the face of this tariff pressure. Some — like **Japan** and **South Korea** — have sought bilateral accommodations. Others — like the **EU** — have maintained dialogue while preparing targeted retaliation. **Brazil**, for now, is choosing restraint and negotiation.

This variety of responses is what **Trump** seeks to exploit — preventing a coordinated international **coalition** that would respond collectively to his measures. So far, his strategy has worked: targeted countries are negotiating individually rather than coordinating a response. But this fragmentation has its limits, and an anti-American tariff alignment is not inconceivable if the measures continue to accumulate.

*Trump has succeeded in dividing his trade adversaries by preventing them from coordinating their response. That is politically brilliant in the short term. Over the long term, this accumulative pressure will eventually generate a coalescence of the targeted — just as the historic GATT/WTO responded to post-war protectionism. History has a way of correcting unilateral excesses. Not always quickly. But inevitably.*

## What This Editorial Wants to Say Clearly

### The editorialist's position

This editorial defends a clear position: trade policy must have precise objectives, proportionate instruments, and a long-term vision that goes beyond immediate tactical wins. **Section 301** against **China** for intellectual property theft and forced labor — legitimate and defensible. Section 301 against **Brazil** for "general practices" in the context of political animosity toward the Lula government — a troubling drift that conflates trade policy and foreign policy in a counterproductive way.

This position is not anti-American. It is pro-rules — pro-WTO, pro-commercial multilateralism, pro-proportionality in responding to genuinely unfair practices. These principles served global prosperity for seventy years. Abandoning them in favor of a trade tool wielded in every direction is not strength — it is unpredictability elevated to a **doctrine**.

### What allies expect from Washington

America's allies — **Europe**, **Japan**, **South Korea**, **Australia** — expect from **Washington** a trade policy that is predictable, grounded in clear rules, and applied proportionately to genuine grievances. They can accept demands for trade rebalancing. They can support measures against unfair Chinese practices. They cannot accept being targeted arbitrarily as a condition of the allied relationship.

The credibility of American alliances depends in part on the predictability of American trade policy. An ally that must constantly worry about seeing its exports hit with surprise tariffs is not a fully confident ally. This erosion of trust, measurable in private chancellery conversations rather than official communiqués, is one of the least visible but most durable collateral damages of Trumpian trade policy.

*America's allies have something in common with friends you can't fully trust: they stay because they have no choice, but they are planning their exit. Every arbitrary tariff decision against an ally accelerates that planning. Tomorrow's geopolitics is built in today's quiet calculations. And those calculations are beginning to favor alternatives to American dependence.*

## Complementary Analysis: Dimensions and Perspectives

### Structural factors often overlooked

Analysis of this situation would benefit from integrating the structural dimensions operating in the background of immediate events. **Long-term dynamics** — economic, demographic, technological — shape the context in which political and military decisions are made. Ignoring these dimensions means analyzing the surface without understanding what lies beneath.

These structural factors are not theoretical abstractions — they translate into very concrete constraints for decision-makers. **Defense industrial capacity**, munitions stocks, the availability of skilled human resources, the state of public finances: these are the material realities that determine what options are actually available, independent of stated intentions.

### What the broader geopolitical context reveals

This situation is part of a geopolitical context broader than the Ukraine war alone. The competition between great powers — between **the West on one side**, and Russia, China, Iran, and their allies on the other — fundamentally structures the dynamics observed. Understanding this backdrop is essential to evaluating the real stakes at play.

Decisions that appear tactical on the surface are often strategic in depth. **What is happening today** in Western capitals, on Ukrainian battlefields, and in negotiating rooms concerns not only Ukraine — it concerns the global security architecture that will emerge from this period of turbulence.

*Analyzing these complementary dimensions, I am struck by the density of overlapping stakes. This war is not a local crisis — it is a stress test for the liberal world order. The result of this test will determine the rules of the geopolitical game for decades to come. This is not a metaphor. It is the reality that today's leaders carry on their shoulders.*

## Critical Synthesis: Key Takeaways and What Comes Next

### The key lessons from this situation

Having surveyed the different dimensions of this dossier, several key lessons emerge. **The first is the primacy of facts** over stated intentions — in war as in negotiation, what matters is not promises but concrete, verifiable actions. This principle guides every reading of geopolitical current events.

The second lesson concerns the unpredictable nature of geopolitical dynamics. **The most significant events** of this period — Ukrainian strikes on Moscow, Rutte's chart, decisions by the American Supreme Court — were not all predictable months earlier. Epistemic prudence is a virtue in crisis analysis.

### What the coming months could reveal

The horizon of the coming months contains several determining variables. The **American midterm elections in November**, the resolution or escalation of the Ukrainian conflict, trade negotiations with China, the implementation of Iranian agreements — these are all elements whose evolution will reshape the geopolitical context in which all actors must navigate.

In the face of this uncertainty, the best analytical posture is to remain attentive to weak signals while maintaining a solid structural perspective. **Underlying trends** — European rearmament, Ukraine's growing strength, Sino-Western tensions — are more reliable than daily events for anticipating the general direction of coming developments.

*I conclude this analysis with one certainty and one question. The certainty: Ukraine is fighting for something that concerns us all, and this fight deserves all the support we can give it. The question: will we do enough, fast enough, before the window of opportunity closes? That question keeps me awake. It should keep all of us awake.*

## Complementary Analysis: Dimensions and Perspectives

### Structural factors often overlooked

Analysis of this situation would benefit from integrating the structural dimensions operating in the background of immediate events. **Long-term dynamics** — economic, demographic, technological — shape the context in which political and military decisions are made. Ignoring these dimensions means analyzing the surface without understanding what lies beneath.

These structural factors are not theoretical abstractions — they translate into very concrete constraints for decision-makers. **Defense industrial capacity**, munitions stocks, the availability of skilled human resources, the state of public finances: these are the material realities that determine what options are actually available, independent of stated intentions.

### What the broader geopolitical context reveals

This situation is part of a geopolitical context broader than the Ukraine war alone. The competition between great powers — between **the West on one side**, and Russia, China, Iran, and their allies on the other — fundamentally structures the dynamics observed. Understanding this backdrop is essential to evaluating the real stakes at play.

Decisions that appear tactical on the surface are often strategic in depth. **What is happening today** in Western capitals, on Ukrainian battlefields, and in negotiating rooms concerns not only Ukraine — it concerns the global security architecture that will emerge from this period of turbulence.

*Analyzing these complementary dimensions, I am struck by the density of overlapping stakes. This war is not a local crisis — it is a stress test for the liberal world order. The result of this test will determine the rules of the geopolitical game for decades to come. This is not a metaphor. It is the reality that today's leaders carry on their shoulders.*

## Critical Synthesis: Key Takeaways and What Comes Next

### The key lessons from this situation

Having surveyed the different dimensions of this dossier, several key lessons emerge. **The first is the primacy of facts** over stated intentions — in war as in negotiation, what matters is not promises but concrete, verifiable actions. This principle guides every reading of geopolitical current events.

The second lesson concerns the unpredictable nature of geopolitical dynamics. **The most significant events** of this period — Ukrainian strikes on Moscow, Rutte's chart, decisions by the American Supreme Court — were not all predictable months earlier. Epistemic prudence is a virtue in crisis analysis.

### What the coming months could reveal

The horizon of the coming months contains several determining variables. The **American midterm elections in November**, the resolution or escalation of the Ukrainian conflict, trade negotiations with China, the implementation of Iranian agreements — these are all elements whose evolution will reshape the geopolitical context in which all actors must navigate.

In the face of this uncertainty, the best analytical posture is to remain attentive to weak signals while maintaining a solid structural perspective. **Underlying trends** — European rearmament, Ukraine's growing strength, Sino-Western tensions — are more reliable than daily events for anticipating the general direction of coming developments.

*I conclude this analysis with one certainty and one question. The certainty: Ukraine is fighting for something that concerns us all, and this fight deserves all the support we can give it. The question: will we do enough, fast enough, before the window of opportunity closes? That question keeps me awake. It should keep all of us awake.*

*In conclusion, one conviction stands firm: the stakes described here go beyond the news cycle. They engage our conception of what the West wants to be in the world — and our willingness to defend that conception with the necessary means, not merely with good intentions.*

## Complementary Analysis: Dimensions and Perspectives

### Structural factors often overlooked

Analysis of this situation would benefit from integrating the structural dimensions operating in the background of immediate events. **Long-term dynamics** — economic, demographic, technological — shape the context in which political and military decisions are made. Ignoring these dimensions means analyzing the surface without understanding what lies beneath.

These structural factors are not theoretical abstractions — they translate into very concrete constraints for decision-makers. **Defense industrial capacity**, munitions stocks, the availability of skilled human resources, the state of public finances: these are the material realities that determine what options are actually available, independent of stated intentions.

### What the broader geopolitical context reveals

This situation is part of a geopolitical context broader than the Ukraine war alone. The competition between great powers — between **the West on one side**, and Russia, China, Iran, and their allies on the other — fundamentally structures the dynamics observed. Understanding this backdrop is essential to evaluating the real stakes at play.

Decisions that appear tactical on the surface are often strategic in depth. **What is happening today** in Western capitals, on Ukrainian battlefields, and in negotiating rooms concerns not only Ukraine — it concerns the global security architecture that will emerge from this period of turbulence.

*Analyzing these complementary dimensions, I am struck by the density of overlapping stakes. This war is not a local crisis — it is a stress test for the liberal world order. The result of this test will determine the rules of the geopolitical game for decades to come. This is not a metaphor. It is the reality that today's leaders carry on their shoulders.*

## Conclusion: Section 301 and the Question of the Model

### What model for tomorrow's world trade?

Behind the measure against Brazil lies a fundamental question: what commercial model does the West want for tomorrow's world? The model of international trade founded on multilateral rules, transparent and predictable — which has underpinned global prosperity since the creation of the GATT in 1947? Or the model of commerce managed by bilateral power dynamics, where the powerful set the rules for everyone else?

Section 301 against Brazil is not simply a trade measure against a South American partner. It is a signal about the kind of trading system Washington is prepared to defend — or to abandon. If this signal goes uncorrected, if the use of Section 301 continues to expand beyond legitimate cases, the commercial architecture built since 1947 risks irreversible erosion.

### Washington's responsibility

The United States was the architect of the open international trading system that enabled global prosperity in the second half of the twentieth century. This architecture — imperfect, at times unequal — nonetheless helped lift hundreds of millions of people out of poverty and integrate formerly isolated economies into global commerce. Dismantling it for short-term gains would be a historic error whose consequences future generations would bear.

**Trump has every right to defend American commercial interests**. This editorialist acknowledges that right without reservation. But defending American interests and dismantling the global trade architecture are not reconcilable objectives. A world without credible international trade rules is a less prosperous, less stable, and less predictable world — including for the United States. **Section 301 against Brazil is a symptom of a confusion between tactics and strategy** that deserves to be named clearly.

**By Maxime Marquette, columnist**

## Columnist's transparency note

### Editorial stance

I am not a journalist but a **columnist and analyst**. My expertise lies in observing and analysing the geopolitical, economic and strategic dynamics that shape our world. My work is to take political strategies apart, to understand global economic movements, to put the decisions of international actors in context and to offer analytical perspectives on the changes that are redefining our societies.

I do not claim the cold objectivity of traditional journalism, which stops at reporting facts. **I claim analytical clarity**, rigorous interpretation and a deep understanding of the complex issues that concern us all. My role is to give meaning to the facts, to place them in their historical and strategic context, and to offer a critical reading of events.

### Method and sources

This text keeps the basic distinction between **verified facts and interpretive analysis**. The rule never changes: a factual claim is published only when a verifiable source supports it, and the sources this article actually used are listed under **Sources**, never here.

**Primary source families** used by the publication, when the story has them: official statements from governments and international institutions, public statements by political leaders, reports from intergovernmental organisations, dispatches from recognised international news agencies.

**Secondary source families**: specialised publications, internationally recognised news media, analyses from established research institutions, reports from industry organisations.

When an article cites statistical, economic or geopolitical data, it comes from the institutions that produce it (intergovernmental organisations, central banks, national statistics offices), and the exact institution is named under **Sources**.

### Nature of the analysis

The analyses, interpretations and perspectives in the analytical sections of this article are a **critical, contextual synthesis** based on the information available, the trends observed and the expert comments cited in the sources consulted.

My role is to interpret these facts, to set them in the context of today's geopolitical and economic dynamics, and to give them a coherent meaning within the larger story of the changes shaping our time. These analyses reflect expertise built through continuous observation of international affairs and an understanding of the strategic mechanisms that drive global actors.

This article describes a documented state of affairs on its publication date, not a prediction: later developments may shift its outlook. No update is promised in advance; when an article is corrected or completed, the change is dated in the text.

## Sources

### Primary sources

- [Dorsey & Whitney — New Section 301 tariffs — June 2026](https://www.dorsey.com/newsresources/publications/client-alerts/2026/6/new-section-301-tariffs)

- [Al Jazeera — How Trump is relaunching the trade war using forced labor concerns — June 15, 2026](https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2026/6/15/how-trump-is-relaunching-a-tariff-war-citing-forced-labour-concerns)

- [CNBC — Trump tariffs, China, forced labor — June 9, 2026](https://www.cnbc.com/2026/06/09/trump-tariffs-trade-china-forced-labor.html)

### Secondary sources

- [CBH — Section 301: updates, new tariffs, investigation — June 2026](https://www.cbh.com/insights/articles/section-301-updates-new-tariffs-investigation/)

- [Fortune — Europe, China, Trump trade war, Section 301 — June 20, 2026](https://fortune.com/2026/06/20/europe-china-trade-war-trump-tariffs-section-301-dumping-subsidies/)

- [Atlantic Council — Trump Tariff Tracker — 2026](https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/programs/geoeconomics-center/trump-tariff-tracker/)

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Source: Maxime Marquette, MadMax. When citing, name the author and link https://mad-max.co/en/article/editorial-trump-tarifie-le-bresil-a-25-la-section-301-comme-arme-tous-azimuts